TATTOOING  IN  THE 


MARQUESAS 


BY 


WILLOWDEAN  CHATTERSON  HANDY 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 
Bulletin  i 


WITH  j8  PLATES 

' L'  '■"  •- 

BAYARD  DOMINICK  EXPEDITION 
PuBucATioN  Number  3 


TATTOOING  IN  THE 
MARQUESAS 


BY 

WILLOWDEAN  CHATTERSON  HANDY 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 
Bulletin  i 


WITH  38  PLATES 


BAYARD  DOMINICK  EXPEDITION 

Publication  Number  3 


HONOLULU,  HAWAII 

Published  by  the  Museum 
1922 


WiLLOWDEAN  Chatterson  Handy  served  as 
Volunteer  Associate  with  the  Marquesas 
PARTY  OF  THE  Bayard  Dominick  Expedition, 
1920-1921.  She  has  taken  skillful  advan- 
tage OF  HER  OPPORTUNITY  TO  OBTAIN  WHAT  IS 
BELIEVED  TO  BE  AN  UNUSUALLY  COMPLETE  AND 
INTIMATE  RECORD  OF  TATTOOING  DESIGNS. 


Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 

By  WiLLOWDEAN  Chatterson  Handy 


INTRODUCTION 

Drawings  and  photographs  of  tattooing  patterns  on  the  bodies  of 
natives  were  made  by  the  author  during  a residence  in  the  Marquesas 
Islands  in  1921.  As  tattobing  is  now  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  the  country 
and  the  art  is  consequently  dying  out,  this  collection  of  the  last  specimens 
of  tattooing  patterns  which  exist  today  in  the  Marquesas  has  seemed  to 
demand  a complementary  collection  of  information  regarding  the  practice 
of  the  art,  to  the  end  that  the  beautiful  motives  might  at  least  be  partly 
accounted  for  and  might  some  day  take  their  merited  place  in  the  history 
of  art.  The  data  have  been  drawn  from  natives  who  have  been  decorated, 
from  one  old  tuhuna,  or  artist,  w'ho  has  practised  tattooing,  and  from 
literary  sources,  thus  piecing  together  a fairly  accurate  picture  of  the 
practice.  Discussion  of  the  design  itself,  of  which  the  natives  know 
nothing  today  beyond  the  nomenclature,  is  undertaken  in  a spirit  of  ap- 
preciation and  with  the  hope  that  the  suggestions  offered  regarding  the 
evolution  and  significance  of  this  form  of  decoration  may  uncover  other 
possibilities  and  lead  to  a more  conclusive  interpretation  of  the  art. 

THE  PRACTICE  OF  THE  ART 

It  would  appear  that  this  form  of  body  decoration  was  not  confined  to 
certain  ranks  or  classes  in  the  Marquesas,  though  what  might  be  called 
a property  qualification  limited  somew^hat  the  complete  covering  and  finer 
work  to  the  wealthy  who  could  afford  to  employ  the  best  artists  and  stand 
the  attendant  expense  of  feeding  them  and  their  assistants  as  well  as  the 
large  band  of  ka’ioi  w’ho  erected  the  special  house  for  the  occasion.  A 
father  prepared  long  in  advance  for  the  payment  for  tattooing  of  his  first- 
born, raising  pigs,  and  planting  ute,  paper  mulberry  (Broussonetia  papyri- 
fera),  for  the  making  of  tapa  as  gifts  for  both  the  kcPioi  and  the  tuhuna. 
Payment  also  took  the  form  of  ornaments,  war  clubs,  and  more  recently, 
guns.  Langsdorff  says  that  they  paid  for  their  decorations  according  to 
the  greater  or  less  quantity  of  them,  and  to  the  trouble  the  figures  re- 
quired ; that  during  the  thirty  or  forty  years  when  the  body  was  gone  over 
again  and  again  with  the  tattooing  bones  until  the  skin  was  completely 
covered,  the  cost  became  considerable;  and  that  such  all-over  decoration 
necessarily  indicated  a person  of  great  wealth  (10  p.  i2o)h  It  follows 

’ Throughout  this  paper  the  numbers  in  parentheses  refer  to  the  bibliography  on 
page  26. 


4 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


naturally  that  it  also  appeared  only  upon  people  of  advanced  years  (6,  p. 
130;  13,  p.  102-103),  a circumstance  which  undoubtedly  led  to  Captain 
Chanal’s  conclusion  that  the  marks  had  no  relation  to  anything  but  age 
(II,  p.  in). 

While  the  tuhiina  was  paid  generously  for  work  on  an  opou,  the  eldest 
son  of  a wealthy  man,  no  payment  was  asked  of  the  k(^ioi,  a more  or 
less  unorganized  group  of  younger  sons  and  daughters,  who  took  such 
part  in  the  preparations  as  raiding  for  food  and  building  the  special  house, 
and  who  slipped  in  to  have  designs  punctured  upon  them  gratis  when  the 
opou  was  resting  or  recuperating  from  the  effects  of  the  operation.  It  is 
perhaps  these  ka’ioi  to  whom  Melville  (12,  p.  49)  refers  in  speaking  of 
the  common  fellows  who  were  practiced  on.  Langsdorff  was  apparently 
unaware  of  this  custom,  for  he  says  that  those  who  could  not  afford  tat- 
tooing went  without : 

The  poorer  islanders  who  have  not  a superabundance  of  hogs  to  dispose  of  in 
luxuries,  but  live  chiefly  themselves  upon  breadfruit,  are  operated  upon  by  novices  in 
the  art,  who  take  them  at  a very  low  price  as  subjects  for  practice.  The  lowest  class 
of  all,  the  fishermen  principally,  are  often  not  able  to  afford  even  the  pay  required 
a novice,  and  are  therefore  not  tattooed  at  all.  (10,  p.  120.) 

With  the  lower  classes  noticeably  less  tattooed  than  the  higher,  the 
conclusion  was  often  drawn  by  early  visitors  that  this  form  of  decoration 
pointed  out  noble  or  distinguished  persons  (8,  p.  155  and  13,  p.  84). 
Berchon,  writing  in  1859,  avows  that  all  classes  were  tattooed  at  that 
time,  but  that  formerly  it  was  a sign  of  nobility  and  distinction.  From 
w'hat  is  to  be  gathered  today  from  living  informants,  this  is  a miscon- 
ception, in  the  main,  based  on  the  fact  that  wealth  was  in  the  hands  of 
chiefs  and  distinguished  men. 

Melville  (13,  p.  102)  at  one  time  assigns  tattooing  to  the  warrior 
class,  but  present  information  states  that  the  untattooed  as  well  as  the 
tattooed  went  to  war.  That  warriors,  as  well  as  other  groups,  wore 
special  designs  as  badges  is  stated  by  modem  informants  as  true  in  a 
few  instances,  and  is  frequently  suggested  by  the  early  voyagers  to  the 
Marquesas.  Spirals  over  the  eyes  (PI.  v,  7)  are  today  described  as  be- 
longing to  all  warriors  in  ancient  times,  while  spirals  called  kokoata  on 
cheeks  and  hips  indicated  chiefs,  as  do  the  tiny  pinlike  marks  (PI.  xxxviii, 
G.  d)  to  be  seen  today  on  the  inside  of  the  left  ankle.  After  a battle 
these  marks — according  to  the  informants — were  sought  for  by  the  priest 
of  a victorious  army  on  the  ankles  of  the  slain  to  determine  whether  a 
chief  had  been  killed  and  a great  battle  fought.  Beyond  these  distinguish- 
ing marks,  living  informants  make  no  mention  of  the  badges  described 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


5 


by  early  visitors,  such  as  the  mata-komoe  distinguishing  a hero  (lo,  PI. 
VIII,  fig.  9;  p.  XV ),  the  marks  of  high  birth  put  upon  the  arms  of  women 
in  families  of  chiefs  (i8,  p.  222-223),  the  tattooed  right  hand  and  left  foot 
of  women  as  a sign  of  wedlock  (13,  p.  221-222).  Mr.  Linton  was  told 
that  only  chiefs  had  their  feet  tattooed ; but  this  is  not  borne  out  in  the 
late  practice  of  the  art  nor  corroborated  by  other  informants.  The  con- 
fusion probably  arises  either  from  the  distinguishing  chiefly  marks  being 
upon  the  ankle,  or  from  the  custom  of  tattooing  the  body  of  the  opoii 
from  the  feet  up,  contrary-wise  to  that  of  the  kaioi. 

The  only  distinguishing  feature  of  the  tattooing  of  a ka’ioi,  as  re- 
ported today,  is  the  order  in  which  the  designs  were  put  on,  the  face 
being  decorated  first.  The  reason  assigned  by  a Pua  Ma’u  informant  for 
the  custom  of  beginning  with  the  feet  of  the  opoii  was  that  the  face  if 
tattooed  first  was  liable  to  become  infected  and  cause  a stoppage  of  the 
operation.  It  is  possible  that  the  reverse  order  in  the  case  of  the  ka’ioi  was 
the  result  of  indifference  as  to  their  fortunes,  but  it  is  also  possible  that 
there  was  here  a fundamental  class  distinction.  There  is  no  proof  today 
that  the  work  was  not  of  the  same  pattern  as  that  of  the  opou,  though 
Melville  thought  he  distinguished  a difference  in  the  quality  of  the  work 
put  upon  “inferior  natives,”  their  designs  appearing  to  him  like  daubs  of  a 
house-painter’s  brush  (13,  p.  250). 

Berchon  says  that  tattooing  was  an  obligation  rather  than  a mark  of 
distinction  for  women,  that  the  right  hand  must  be  tattooed  by  the  age 
of  twelve  so  that  it  might  be  used  in  making  popoi,  in  making  pakoko  (the 
circular  movement  of  two  fingers  in  taking  up  popoi  to  eat  it)  and  in 
rubbing  dead  bodies  with  coconut  oil  (i,  p.  114-115).  Natives  today  say 
that  an  untattooed  hand  could  not  make  popoi  nor  eat  it  from  the  same 
bowl  as  a tattooed  hand,  that  a tattooed  man  could  not  eat  with  a woman,  and 
that  a man  with  all  his  designs  finished  could  not  eat  with  a man  whose 
designs  were  unfinished ; but  any  reason  for  these  requisites  beyond  their 
being  “pretty”  is  unknown.  Women  would  not  marry  untattooed  men, 
probably  because  the  decoration  represented  either  wealth,  endurance  of 
pain,  style,  or  all  three. 

A special  effort  was  made  to  find  some  trace  of  banqueting  societies 
distinguished  by  marks  tattooed  on  the  chest,  which  Krusenstern,  Langs- 
dorff,  and  Melville’  describe  (8,  p.  159-160;  10,  p.  121-122;  12,  p.  50-51)  ; 
but  no  memory  of  anything  in  the  nature  of  such  fraternal  orders  supported 
by  the  chief  and  tattooed  gratis  is  discoverable  today.  With  Berchon’s  con- 

’ All  of  the  detailed  information  of  Krusenstern  and  Langsdorff  came  from  two 
white  sailors  living  among  the  natives,  whose  accounts  are  in  many  instances  un- 
mistakably erroneous  and  exaggerated.  It  would  not  surprise  me  in  the  least  if 


6 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


elusion  that  the  fact  reported  must  have  been  “quite  exceptional”  we  must 
agree.  It  was  customary,  however,  during  famine  times,  for  people  to 
seek  the  service  of  chiefs  in  order  to  be  fed,  and  it  may  have  been  the 
whim  of  some  chief  to  have  a particular  mark  tattooed  upon  them,  but 
this  was  certainly  not  a general  custom.  Indeed,  Melville  relates  the  “Hana- 
manoo”  episode  as  an  especial  and  unusual  case ; and  it  does  not  seem 
unlikely  that  the  same  story  is  at  the  basis  of  both  his  and  the  Russians’ 
accounts.  They  have  probably  misinterpreted  the  ordinary  custom  of  the 
father  of  the  opou  during  the  period  of  tattooing  feeding  the  ka’ioi,  who 
were  no  more*  closely  organized  as  a society  than  is  our  own  “younger  set,” 
to  whom  they  were  somewhat  analogous.  This  would  fit,  too,  with  the 
custom  of  the  tuhuna’s  giving  them  samples  of  their  art  gratis  during  the 
rest  periods  of  the  opou. 

A careful  search  for  any  possible  significance  of  face  designs  as  tribal 
marks,  corroborative  of  Porter’s  statement  to  this  effect  (14,  p.  114), 
calls  forth  today,  except  in  one  instance  only,  vociferous  refutation.  How- 
ever, that  face  patterns  w^ere  insular  during  a later  period  of  the  art  is 
certain,  the  oblique  paheke  belonging  to  Nuku  Hiva,  the  horizontal  bands 
called  ti’ati'apu  being  worn  by  Hiva  Oans,  and  tbe  latter’s  variant,  the 
ihuepo,  whose  central  band  covers  the  nostrils  themselves,  being  prevalent 
on  Fatu  Hiva.  Lacassagne  (9,  p.  79)  quotes  Lombroso  as  declaring  that 
face  tattooing  on  Nuku  Hiva  distinguished  two  enemy  factions,  the  one  be- 
ing marked  by  a triangle,  the  other  by  a circle.  Triangles  are  associated 
with  the  tattooing  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tai-pi  Valley  by  IMelville  and  Ber- 
chon,  and  these  Tai-pi  were  powerful  enemies  of  the  tribes  of  Tai  o Hae 
Valley.  More  than  one  present-day  informant  has  stated  that  men  of  a cer- 
tain tribe  living  in  Tai  o Hae  were  marked  with  a great  black  circle  on  the 
face  (PI.  v,  10).  Seeing  the  two  styles  and  finding  them  associated  with  two 
enemy  factions,  it  might  be  natural  to  conclude  that  face  decoration  was 
to  distinguish  enemies ; but  this  is  the  one  instance  in  which  a tribal 
significance  is  assigned  today  to  a face  design. 

That  the  operation  of  tattooing  was  performed  during  propitious  sea- 
sons or  at  times  of  importance  in  the  life  of  the  individual  to  be  decorated 
has  been  reported  by  Desgraz  (18,  p.  223).  Living  Marquesas  informants 
place  its  practice  during  the  dry  season  when  there  was  no  breadfruit  to 
be  harvested,  during  the  months  of  October,  November,  December  and 
early  January.  The  women,  whose  tattooing  may  still  be  examined,  place 
the  beginning  of  their  work  at  from  seven  to  twelve  years  of  age ; the 


Melville  made  up  his  story  of  the  “Hanamanoo”  episode  after  having  read  Langs- 
dorff  or  Krusenstern. 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


7 


men,  from  fifteen  to  twenty.  Within  these  limits  fall  the  more  or  less 
definite  statements  of  such  early  writers  as  Garcia,  Desgraz,  and  Ber- 
chon.  Porter  interpreting  the  time  as  “when  they  are  able  to  bear  the 
pain.”  All  imply — and  Krusenstern  (8,  p.  155)  definitely  states — that 
the  beginning  of  the  operation  was  connected  with  the  period  of  adoles- 
cence. Berchon  (i,  p.  113)  tells  us  that  pregnancy  would  hinder  the 
success  of  the  work  and  that  it  was  never  undertaken  for  a woman  when 
she  was  in  that  condition,  from  which  we  may  again  infer  that  the  coming 
of  puberty  was  the  time  for  starting  the  bodily  decoration.  There  seems 
at  the  present  time  to  be  no  definite  connection  in  the  mind  of  the  Mar- 
quesan  between  the  two,  and  the  fact  that  tattooing  was  practiced  during 
the  growing  or  maturing  season  of  the  land  just  before  harvest-time 
seems  also  to  have  no  significance  at  present.  However,  the  celebrations 
associated  with  the  harvest  and  with  the  completion  of  the  tattooing  of  the 
adolescent  youth  of  the  land  were  united  in  a great  ko'ina  or  feast.  It 
may  be  remarked,  too,  that  there  is  at  present  no  indication  that  important 
times  in  the  life  of  the  individual,  other  than  adolescence,  were  the  oc- 
casions for  tattooing,  although  Langsdorff,  in  a description  of  the  cnata 
design,  says  that  it  was  put  on  when  an  enemy  had  been  killed  or  eaten 
(10,  p.  XV). 

As  has  been  stated,  preparations  for  the  tattooing  of  an  opou  began 
with  the  raising  of  pigs  and  planting  of  iite  for  gifts  and  payment  for 
tuhuna  and  ka'ioi.  Several  days  before  the  beginning  of  the  operation, 
the  father  announced  that  the  oho’an  tiki,  or  special  house  for  the  occasion, 
was  to  be  built.  About  one  o’clock  on  the  morning  on  which  the  erection 
of  this  structure  was  to  take  place,  two  great  drums  (pahu)  and  two  small 
ones  (hiitii)  were  beaten  on  the  public  festival  place,  to  declare  the  be- 
ginning of  the  tapu  and  to  summon  the  ka’ioi.  These,  usually  from 
forty  to  eighty  in  number,  immediately  gathered  at  the  festival  place  and 
together  proceeded,  under  direction  of  the  tuhuna,  to  raid  the  place  of 
the  opoii’s  father.  They  demolished  his  houses  and  those  of  his  relatives, 
with  the  exception  of  the  sleeping  houses ; they  seized  not  only  material 
for  the  building  of  the  oho’au,  but  that  for  making  tapa,  or  the  tapa 
itself  in  the  event  of  its  already  having  been  made.  Enough  pigs  and 
other  food,  sufficient  to  last  for  the  entire  period  of  the  operation,  its 
length  depending  upon  the  sickness  of  the  opou,  were  taken  for  the  feed- 
ing of  the  ka'ioi,  tuhuna,  and  all  those  who  were  to  stay  in  the  oho’au. 
Not  only  was  the  father  of  the  opou  the  victim  of  this  fao  or  seizure  of 
food,  but  also  his  father’s  sisters  and  even  other  relatives  of  the  father  and 
mother,  if  the  duration  of  the  operation  was  extended;  and  it  was  these 
relatives  who  cooked  the  food  during  the  entire  time. 


8 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


The  oh^’aii  tiki,  together  with  a sleeping  house  and  a cook  house, 
which  were  placed  on  a stone  paepae  near  a me’ae  (sacred  place),  or  a 
tohua  (public  place),  was  erected  for  the  first-born  or  adopted  boy 
(matahiapo),  other  sons  usually  being  ka’ioi  and  achieving  their  tattooing 
piecemeal  and  gratis  in  the  oho’au  of  the  opou.  This  house,  which  be- 
longed with  all  its  appurtenances  to  the  opou  and  not  to  the  ka’ioi  who 
built  it — although  they  slept  in  it  during  the  period  of  the  operation — was 
carefully  built,  though  it  was  lashed  with  the  coarse  strips  of  hibiscus  bark 
rather  than  with  the  finely  braided  pu’ukaha  or  coconut  fiber  cord  usual 
in  other  dwellings.  Melville  might  seem  to  suggest  a different  custom 
in  Hiva  Oa  from  that  of  Nuku  Hiva  in  the  description  of  the  tattooing’s  be- 
ing performed  in  large  houses  belonging  to  the  tuhuna  themselves  (12, 
p.  48-49)  ; but  all  modern  recollection  in  Hiva  Oa  is  of  the  similar  custom 
of  building  the  special  oho’au  for  the  opou.  It  may  be  said  in  passing 
that  neither  Melville’s  descriptions  of  the  spacious  houses  of  the  tuhuna 
with  their  numerous  small  apartments  set  apart  by  screens  of  tapa  for 
private  patients  and  of  the  small  tents  of  coarse  tapa  erected  by  itinerant 
tuhuna  for  patients  at  the  times  of  religious  festivals,  nor  Langsdorff’s 
account  of  the  operation  for  persons  in  middling  station  being  performed 
in  houses  erected  for  the  purpose  by  the  tattooers  and  tabooed  by  authority 
(10,  p.  120),  are  corroborated  in  the  information  gathered  last  year  in 
the  Marquesas.  The  Russian  says  further  that  the  women  were  not,  like 
the  men,  shut  up  in  a tabooed  house  during  the  operation,  but  that 
it  was  performed  without  ceremony  in  their  own  houses  or  in  those  of 
relatives.  This  is  corroborated  today,  particularly  on  Nuku  Hiva;  though 
sometimes,  we  are  told,  a small  house  called  the  fa’e  po’a  (po’a,  coconut 
thatching j was  built  alongside  the  family  dwelling  for  the  tattooing  of  a 
girl  and  in  it  lived  the  whole  family  during  the  entire  period  of  the 
operation,  the  main  house  being  tapu,  though  the  fa’e  po’a  was  not. 

The  oho’au  tiki,  itself,  which  we  must  take  as  the  usual  scene  of  the 
operation,  was  very  tapu  to  outsiders.  Those  who  entered  it  could  have 
nothing  to  do  with  women,  who  were  spoken  of  at  this  time  as  vehine 
pu’atea  (pu’atea,  a kind  of  tree  with  soft  wood).  Indeed  these  men  must 
hide  if  a woman  were  even  sighted  at  a distance,  and  it  was  necessary  for 
them  to  cook  for  themselves.  The  men  who  held  the  legs  and  arms  of 
the  opou,  and  who  fanned  flies  during  the  work,  were  especially  tapu 
and  had  to  be  served  with  special  food.  There  seems  to  have  been  no 
regular  food  tapu  for  the  patients  during  the  period  of  the  operation, 
though  according  to  early  visitors,  there  were  dietary  restrictions  ap- 
parently for  the  sake  of  health.  Garcia  says  the  patients  were  forbidden 
for  several  days  to  take  certain  kinds  of  nourishment,  such  as  pig  and 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


9 


kava,  and  Melville  speaks  of  the  small  portions  of  food  that  were  pushed 
under  the  curtain  by  unseen  hands  to  the  tapu  patients  within  the  apart- 
ments, the  restriction  in  food  being  intended  to  reduce  the  blood  and  so 
diminish  inflammation ; Langsdorfif  reports  that  the  patient  must  drink  very 
little  for  fear  of  inflammation,  and  must  not  eat  early  in  the  morning. 

The  work  was  performed  by  tuhuna  patn  tiki  (patu,  to  mark  or  strike; 
tiki,  designs),  artists,  evidently  trained  in  the  school  of  experience,  some  of 
them  coming  to  enjoy  great  vogue  on  more  than  one  island.  Although 
Garcia  states  that  the  office  was  hereditary,  each  great  family  having  its 
family  of  tattooers  trained  from  generation  to  generation  for  its  use, 
nothing  of  the  sort  can  be  traced  today.  According  to  modern  informants, 
skill  alone  was  qualification  for  practice  and  requisite  for  patronage. 
Langsdorfif  tells  of  novices  who,  for  practice,  operated  upon  poor  people 
at  very  small  charge,  and  Melville  reports  even  the  hiring  of  “vile  fel- 
lows” as  models  on  whom  they  could  practice. 

All  present-day  information  denies  Melville’s  statement  that  there  were 
orders  of  tattooing  artists.  It  is  more  likely  that  there  were  itinerant 
members  of  the  profession,  as  he  states.  All  seem  to  have  practiced  quite 
independently,  although  there  was  probably  the  kind  of  bond  between  them 
that  followers  of  any  profession  feel.  It  is  said  in  Ua  Pou  that  there  were 
different  tuhuna  for  men  and  women  because  of  the  rule  of  tap\i  which 
ascribed  to  men  greater  sacredness  than  to  women,  but  this  was  not  true 
during  the  latter  days  of  the  art.  No  woman  tuhuna  was  ever  heard  of. 
There  were  evidently  contests  between  tuhuna,  two  or  three  working  at 
the  same  time  in  an  oho'au,  attempting  to  excel  one  another  in  rapidity  of 
execution  and  delicacy  of  designs.  In  the  light  of  knowledge  about  the 
ancient  native  training  in  other  artistic  lines,  it  is  possible  to  hazard  the 
guess  that  to  be  accepted  at  all  as  a tuhuna,  a thorough  acquaintance  with 
all  the  conventional  units  of  the  art  was  requisite ; for,  although  individual 
tuhuna  certainly  varied  and  elaborated  designs  at  will,  yet  they  did  not 
stray  from  the  basic  units. 

A tuhuna  was  aided  in  his  work  by  four  or  five  assistants  called  ow’a 
(or  koiia — translated  by  Dordillon,  pupil,  disciple — meaning  also  shrimp). 
He  was  consulted  as  to  the  choice  of  designs,  his  decision  apparently  be- 
ing usually  accepted,  although  the  opo>u  was  free  to  select  his  patterns. 
He  outlined  the  designs  upon  the  body  with  a piece  of  charcoal.  But  it 
was  the  ou’a  who  held  the  arms  and  legs  of  the  patient,  who  stretched  the 
skin  to  make  a smooth  surface  upon  which  to  work,  who  fanned  the 
flies  from  the  bleeding  wounds,  and  who  often,  it  is  reported,  filled  in  the 
outlined  designs. 


lO 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


Before  the  coming  of  the  tuhuna,  the  father  of  the  opou  had  pre- 
pared the  pigment  (hinu).  The  preparation  of  this  was  a very  tapu 
operation,  the  man  making  it  being  forbidden  all  relationship  with  women 
during  the  period;  and,  according  to  Lesson  (i,  p.  107-108),  it  was 
necessary  for  a virgin  to  aid  him  in  the  work.  The  shells  of  the  ama  nut 
(Aleurites  triloba)  were  heated  so  as  to  open  easily  (7,  p.  45),  and  the 
kernels  placed  over  a fire  in  a kind  of  pocket  of  stones  which  allowed 
the  smoke  to  ascend  through  a small  passageway  in  order  to  collect  on  a 
smooth  stone  (pa’e  hinu).  Upon  this  stone  a constant  tapping  was  kept 
up  while  the  soot  collected  to  the  depth  of  about  an  inch.  This  process, 
according  to  Berchon,  was  called  antahi  ama.  The  soot-covered  pa’e  hinu 
was  then  placed  on  a banana  leaf  and  left  in  the  sun  to  dry,  being  kept 
thus  until  the  tuhuna  arrived  for  his  work.  Thereupon,  the  father,  ac- 
cording to  present-day  information,  mixed  the  soot  with  plain  water  in 
a small  coconut  shell  (ipu  hinu)  and  gave  it  to  the  artist.  Marchand 
Langsdorff,  and  Porter  agree  upon  water  as  the  solvent ; but  Berchon 
further  reports  that  the  ink,  which  he  calls  kaahi,  was  made  by  mixing  the 
soot  with  coconut  oil;  while  IMelville  (13,  p.  246)  gives  vegetable  juice 
as  the  liquid.  He  and  Langsdorff  describe  the  use  of  the  ashes,  rather 
than  the  soot,  of  this  nut  kernel,  and  Porter  thought  burnt  and  powdered 
coconut  shell  was  used,  but  apparently  no  other  pigment  save  carbon  was 
ever  employed  in  the  IMarquesas,  as  all  early  voyagers  remark  only  the 
dark  blue  or  blackish  coloring.  (See  15,  p.  16;  14,  p.  78;  10,  p.  118; 
8,  p.  155;  13,  p.  158).  Jardin  (7)  speaks  of  carbonizing  and  pulverizing  the 
kernels  of  the  ama  and  mixing  the  powder  with  water  to  trace  the  de- 
signs on  the  body,  and  it  may  be  that  the  residue  of  the  burnt  nuts  was 
so  used. 

When  the  tuhuna  arrived,  bringing  his  instruments  in  a bamboo  case 
seven  or  eight  inches  long  (pukohe  fan  hinu),  stoppered  with  a wad  of 
tapa,  he  spread  them  out  upon  a piece  of  tapa  on  the  ground,  ready  for 
use.  The  instrument  is  generally  known  as  ta  (to  strike),  but  Berchon 
(T,  p.  no)  gives  the  following  nomenclature  for  its  various  parts:  ta’a 
(a  point)  for  the  toothed  end,  kakaho  (reed  or  cane)  for  the  horizontal 
support  of  the  teeth,  and  ta-tiki  (strike-tiki)  for  the  baton  (Berchon,  p. 
no).  There  was  always  an  assortment  of  these  toothed  ends  of  varying 
fineness  or  coarseness  appropriate  for  all  grades  of  work  from  the  delicate 
hair  lines  to  solid  patches.  The  flat  instruments  for  straight  lines  and 
gradual  curves  were  of  human  bone,  sometimes  of  the  bones  of  enemy 
sacrifices  (izn  heana).  They  were  about  three  inches  long,  flat  and 
slightly  wedge-shaped,  and  toothed  or  comblike  at  the  end.  Instruments 
for  the  smaller  curves  were  of  the  bones  of  the  kena  (Sula  piscatrix), 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


II 


or  of  a tapn  bird  on  the  small  island  of  Fatu  Uku,  the  leg  bones  having 
been  used  (at  least  they  are  used  for  the  instruments  seen  today),  and 
according  to  Langsdorff,  wing  bones  also.  Marchand  describes  these  .fa  as 
sometimes  of  tortoise-shell;  Berchon  adds,  of  fish  bone;  and  Melville  men- 
tions sharks’  teeth:  but  no  trace  of  combs  other  than  of  human  or  bird 
bone  remains  today.  The  number  of  teeth  varied  from  three  to  about 
twenty — Melville  saw  some  with  a single  fine  point — according  to  the  size 
and  use  of  the  instrument.  Melville  says  that  some  had  points  disposed 
in  small  figures,  so  that  the  whole  design  was  printed  at  a single  blow. 

These  bone  combs  were  inserted  into  a slit  in  a piece  of  reed  stalk, 
bamboo  (lo,  p.  ii8),  or  ironwood  (ii,  p.  no;  i,  p.  109),  six  or  seven 
inches  long,  which  acted  as  a horizontal  handle  (see,  however,  12,  p.  51, 
note),  held,  while  in  use,  in  the  left  hand  of  the  tuhuna.  This  was,  as 
far  as  could  be  ascertained  today,  straight,  though  Melville  speaks  of 
curved  ones.  The  baton,  about  three  quarters  of  an  inch  thick  and  from 
a foot  to  eighteen  inches  long,  was  of  hibiscus  wood. 

Although  everything  connected  with  the  operation  itself  was  extremely 
tapu,  tattooers  in  general,  in  Nuku  Hiva  at  least,  being  under  the  auspices 
of  the  god  Hamatakee  (2),  Tahu  being  the  god  of  the  tuhuna  and  the 
ka’ioi,  Pupuke  of  the  ou’a,  yet  there  are  no  records  of  opening  ceremonies. 
The  patient,  clad  only  in  a girdle,  was  simply  laid  upon  the  floor,  arms  and 
legs  held  by  four  ou’a.  When  a design  had  been  sketched  in  charcoal 
upon  the  body,  the  tuhuna,  or  an  assistant,  held  in  his  left  hand  the 
toothed  hammer  and  a piece  of  tapa,  with  which  by  a dextrous  twist  of 
this  hand  he  wiped  away  the  blood  as  it  flowed  from  the  punctures  made 
in  the  skin  by  the  gentle  tapping  on  the  top  of  the  comb  with  the  baton 
held  in  the  right  hand.  As  he  worked,  he  kept  a sufficient  supply  of  pig- 
ment upon  the  teeth  by  dipping  two  fingers  of  his  right  hand  into  the 
ink  and  rubbing  them  upon  the  comb.  Garcia,  Marchand,  and  Berchon 
agree  with  this  procedure;  but  Langsdorff  and  Krusenstern  declare  that 
the  punctures  were  made  in  the  skin  until  the  blood  oozed  out  and  then 
the  dye  was  rubbed  in.  While  the  tapping  went  on,  the  operator  chanted 
in  rhythm  to  his  strokes  the  following  words  to  allay  the  pain  of  the 
opou: 


Ua  tuki-e,  ua  tuki-e,  ua  tuki-e, 
Ua  tuki-a,  to  tiki-e, 

Poparara’  to  tiki-e, 

O te  tunane  o te  kui-a, 

O te  tuehine  o te  kui-a, 

To’u  tiki-e. 


It  is  struck,  it  is  struck,  it  is  struck. 
It  is  struck,  your  design. 

Tap-tapping  your  design. 

The  brother  of  the  mother. 

The  sister  of  the  mother. 

My  design. 


’ Poparara  is  onomatopoetic,  the  sound  of  tapping. 


12 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


Chants  for  women  do  not  seem  to  be  general.  At  some  time  during  the 
operation,  the  opou  was  given  a new  name,  referred  to  as  patiki.  This  was 
taken  from  some  personal  defect  of  his  own,  such  as  a blind  eye,  for  example, 
or  from  some  imaginary  peculiarity  of  the  genital  organs  of  his  father  or 
mother. 

The  operation,  as  may  be  imagined,  was  extremely  painful  and  the 
patient  cried  and  screamed  without  restraint.  Berchon  notes  that  after 
each  sitting,  there  were  from  eight  to  twelve  days  of  local  inflammation, 
followed  by  fever  and  sometimes  swellings,  which  were  at  times  fatal. 
Light  inflammation  and  swelling  and  ulcers  lasting  for  several  days  (6,  p.  132  ; 
II,  p.  no;  10,  p.  1 18)  seem  to  have  been  usually  the  most  serious  results 
of  the  rigorous  treatment.  The  juice  of  the  banana  stem  was  used  as 
an  ointment  ( paku ) to  hasten  healing.  Berchon  says  an  emollient  of 
hibiscus  leaves  was  applied  to  relieve  the  inflammation. 

The  duration  of  the  operation  depended  largely  upon  the  fortitude 
and  health  of  the  patient.  A Nuku  Hiva  man  is  reported  to  have  been 
completely  covered  in  three  days ; the  legs  and  back  of  one  man  of  Hana- 
menu  were  done  in  seven  days ; but  as  a rule  the  designs  were  put  on 
in  more  leisurely  fashion,  a section  of  the  body  being  covered  at  a sitting, 
with  three-day  rest  periods  called  days  of  blood  ( a toto ) after  each,  so 
that  the  operation  covered  from  two  weeks  to  four  months.  Under  such 
conditions  a woman’s  lips  and  shoulder  might  be  decorated  in  a day,  a 
man’s  legs  from  knees  to  ankles,  or  perhaps  his  thighs  and  buttocks. 
Langsdorff  says  that  the  first  sitting  usually  lasted  from  three  to  four 
weeks  and  that  only  the  groundwork  of  the  principal  figures  upon  the 
breast,  arms,  back,  and  thighs,  was  laid  the  first  year,  additions,  however, 
being  made  for  years  at  intervals  of  from  three  to  six  months. 

After  the  operation,  fruits  of  noni  (Morinda  citrofolia)  the  most  usual 
healing  agent,  were  offered  at  the  mc’ae  or  sacred  place ; the  tuhuna  was 
paid ; and,  when  the  tapu  was  lifted,  the  sacred  oho’au  tiki  was  burned 
(though  not  the  common  house  of  women)  ; and  all  those  participating  in 
the  operation,  who  had  not  been  allowed  to  bathe  during  the  entire  time, 
now  went  first  to  the  sea  to  bathe,  afterwards  to  the  river.  This  ac- 
complished, they  covered  themselves  with  fragrant  ointment,  which  turned 
the  skin  yellow  so  that  their  new  patterns  showed  brilliantly.  Meanwhile, 
relatives  had  prepared  such  ornaments  as  tortoise-shell  crowns,  girdles 
of  tapa,  feather  head  ornaments,  earrings,  and  the  like.  These  they  left 
outside  their  houses  on  the  night  before  the  festival  (Ko’ina  tuhi  tiki; 
Ko’ina,  feast;  tuhi,  show;  tiki,  design),  which  was  always  given  to  cele- 
brate the  completion  of  the  work,  and  the  newly  decorated  girls  and 
boys  donned  them  before  their  appearance  on  the  paved  floor  of  the 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas  13 

festival  place  where  admiring  friends  and  relatives  were  gathered  to  view 
them.  There,  two  large  drums  (paJiu  anaana)  and  three  small  ones 
(tutu)  were  beaten,  the  opou  marching  with  the  ka’ioi  around  the  paved 
area  to  show  his  designs.  While  two  men  and  two  women  danced,  the 
ka’ioi  accompanied  them  with  handclapping  and  the  chanting  of  a putu 
or  special  chant  for  the  oho’au  patu  tiki.  In  an  unpublished  manuscript 
Dordillon  and  Pere  Pierre  state  that  at  this  feast  a human  victim  was 
sacrificed  and  eaten.  When  a man  gave  a feast  in  celebration  of  his  wife’s 
acquisition  of  a bit  of  tattooing,  as  Langsdorfif  reports  was  sometimes  done 
(10,  p.  121),  she  was  allowed  to  eat  hog’s  flesh  as  a very  special  privilege. 

THE  DESIGN 

Any  attempt  today  to  make  a first-hand  study  of  tattooing  design  must 
be  based  upon  the  examination  of  not  more  than  a hundred  and  twenty- 
five  persons  who  are  the  only  living  examples  of  the  practice  and  whose 
designs  represent  for  the  most  part  a late  development  of  the  art,  and 
upon  their  explanations  and  descriptions,  and  those  of  the  single  surviving 
practitioner  of  the  art,  \vhose  actual  practice  ceased  many  years  ago.  The 
practice  was  forbidden  by  the  French  in  1884  and  the  edict  was  enforced 
as  strictly  as  possible  from  that  time  on  in  the  group  of  Nuku  Hiva  and 
Ua  Pou,  where  the  government  was  in  occupation.  On  Hiva  Oa,  Tahu  Ata, 
Fatu  Hiva,  and  Ua  Huka,  the  practice  continued  some  years  thereafter  in 
the  absence  of  authority  to  abolish  it.  As  a consequence,  one  finds  in  the 
northwestern  group  that  the  majority  of  examples  is  the  work  of  tuhuna 
of  the  southeastern  islands,  a few  very  old  people,  alone,  representing 
that  of  the  former  islands.  Just  as  these  northwestern  natives  now 
living  went  surreptitiously  to  tuhuna  of  the  other  group  to  be  tattooed 
upon  parts  of  the  body  that  would  not  show  beneath  their  clothes,  so  in 
the  southeastern  group  those  who  continued  the  practice  after  the  pro- 
hibition was  actually  enforced  there,  about  twenty-five  years  later  than  in 
the  more  closely  espionaged  islands,  were  decorated  chiefly  upon  the  legs 
from  hips  to  ankles  where  dress  or  trousers  would  cover  the  pattern. 
Gradually,  even  this  practice  ceased,  and  today  the  only  tattooing  that  is 
done  is  now  and  then  of  names  in  print  upon  the  arm.  It  will  be  seen 
from  this,  that  only  upon  very  old  people  can  anything  approaching  a full 
suit  of  tattooing  be  seen.  Though  there  is  but  one  man  living  who,  as  far 
as  I know,  might  be  called  fully  tattooed,  still  there  are  to  be  found  on 
different  subjects  designs  for  practically  all  parts  of  the  body  originally 
covered.  There  still  remain  several  women  fully  tattooed,  probably  for 
the  reason  that  their  designs  are  less  conspicuous.  The  plates  herewith 


14 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


represent  about  as  full  a collection  as  could  be  obtained  today  of  the 
tattoo  designs  of  the  Marquesas.  What  may  be  learned  of  the  history 
and  meaning  of  the  art  from  the  study  of  these  designs  may  be  of  interest. 

The  parts  of  the  body  ornamented  differ  today,  as  they  have  always, 
for  men  and  women,  a complete  suit  of  tattooing  for  the  men  (PI.  i) 
covering  the  crown  of  the  head  (PI.  v,  9),  face  (Pis.  iii,  iv,  v)  including  the 
eyelids,  often  the  inside  of  the  nostrils,  tongue,  palms  and  back  of  tbe 
hand  (Pis.  viii.  A;  xi,  C),  arms  (Pis.  xii-xiii),  legs  (Pis.  xxix-xxxviii), 
and  the  entire  trunk  (PI.  xiv)  but  not  the  penis,  which  all  save  one  of  our 
modern  informants  deny  ever  to  have  been  tattooed.  (See  also:  15,  p.  16; 
4.  P-  14;  5>  P-  232;  14,  PP-  78,  1 14;  II.  P-  hi;  10,  pp.  122-123;  8,  p.  155; 
17,  p.  306;  13,  pp.  83-84,  90-91 ; 18,  p.  222.)  At  the  present  day,  the  one 
man  who  might  be  said  to  be  fully  tattooed  or  moho,  is  lacking  the  crown 
piece,  save  for  a section,  and  the  tongue  and  palm  coverings.  From  the 
earliest  times  accounts  such  as  those  of  Cook,  Marchand,  Langsdorff, 
Krusenstern,  Melville,  Berchon  and  Porter  note  the  simpler  decoration  of 
the  women,  G.  Forster  observing  none  on  them.  On  the  bodies  of  women 
observed  today,  patterns  are  found  on  the  lips  running  back  to  the 
base  of  the  gums  (Pis.  ii.  A;  vi.  A),  on  the  ear  lobes,  behind  the  ears 
(PI.  VI,  C;  Porter,  p.  114),  on  the  curve  of  the  shoulder  (PI.  vi,  B;  see 
also  13,  p.  95;  6,  p.  132),  on  the  lower  back  of  which  but  one  example 
remains,  as  far  as  known  (PI.  xv),  on  the  hands  (Pis.  vii-xi)  and  on  the 
legs  from  the  buttocks  down  (Pis.  xvi-xxviii).  One  old  woman  of  Nuku 
Hiva  describes  the  tattooing  on  women  as  covering  also,  formerly,  the 
whole  length  of  the  arms  on  the  inside,  the  buttocks,  and  the  abdomen. 
She,  as  well  as  all  others  living  today,  declares  that  the  vulva  was  never 
tattooed,  although  one  woman  reports  a girdle  that  came  around  in  front. 

Various  reasons  are  given  for  covering  different  parts  of  the  body. 
The  decorated  hand  was  noticeable  in  kneading  and  eating  popoi.  The 
under-arm  pattern  made  a fine  showing  when  the  arms  were  uplifted  to 
strike  with  the  war  club.  Shoulder  and  chest  decorations  were  displayed 
when  men  walked  with  arms  crossed  behind  the  back.  Circular  motives 
on  the  inside  of  the  knees  were  in  evidence  when  men  sat  cross-legged. 
The  inside  thighs  where  the  loin  cloth  hung  and  covered  them  were  often 
left  vacant. 

There  are  numerous  indications  both  in  the  types  of  design  to  be  seen 
today  and  in  descriptions  and  stories  of  natives  and  of  visitors  to  the 
islands,  that  fashion  in  this  mode  of  decoration  was  no  exception  to 
the  rule  of  fashion’s  fickleness.  There  are  to  be  seen  naturalistic, 
geometric,  and  conventional  motives,  both  symmetrically  and  irregularly 
arranged ; there  are  stories  of  inter-island  exchange  of  motives  and  of 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


15 


the  teaching  of  the  tnhiina  of  the  northwestern  group  by  those  of  the 
southeastern ; there  are  to  be  found  in  literary  sources  accounts  of  the 
vogue  of  different  artists  and  statements  from  which  may  be  deduced 
complete  changes  in  the  type  of  design.  With  a view  to  discovering  how 
dependent  style  was  upon  the  taste  and  originality  of  individual  artists,  the 
names  of  all  artists  who  executed  the  designs  recorded  were  noted.  When 
two  pieces  of  work  done  by  the  same  tiihuna  were  found,  the  choice  of 
pattern  seemed  sometimes  to  be  identical  (PI.  xi,  C),  sometimes  altogether 
different  (Pis,  ix,  B and  x.  A),  while  the  work  of  different  tuhuna  was 
sometimes  identical  (PI.  xiii,  B).  It  would  seem  that  all  tuhuna  drew, 
more  or  less  at  their  will,  from  a single  body  of  design. 

In  the  hope  of  making  as  clear  as  possible  the  probable  evolution  of 
this  art  in  the  Marquesas  towards  the  elaborate  conventional  design  that 
prevailed  when  it  was  forbidden  thirty-eight  years  ago,  the  following  de- 
tails are  set  down. 

Quiros  records  in  his  description  of  Mendana’s  visit  to  the  south- 
eastern islands  in  1595,  the  observation  of  “fish  and  other  patterns  painted” 
upon  the  faces  and  bodies  of  the  natives.  This  is  corroborated  by  a living 
informant  who  says  that  formerly  women  had  birds  and  fish  behind  their 
ears  and  on  their  legs,  and  men  are  reported  to  have  had  lizards  on  their 
faces.  The  next  word  from  a voyager  that  comes  to  us  of  this  group 
is  dated  nearly  two  centuries  later  when  Forster  observes  in  1772  that 
the  motives  in  Tahu  Ata  are  not  naturalistic  but  geometric,  taking  the 
form  of  “blotches,  spirals,  bars,  chequers,  and  lines;”  while  J.  R.  Forster 
confirms  this  analysis,  adding  however,  “circles,”  and  Marchand  in  1790 
reiterates  the  two  lists  and  swells  them  with  “parts  of  circles  ....  square 
or  oval  figures  ....  inclined  and  variously  crossed  lines.”  It  would 
appear,  then,  that  in  the  southeastern  islands  during  these  hundred  and 
eighty-odd  years,  there  had  been  in  the  type  of  design  a change  from  the 
naturalistic  to  the  geometric. 

We  have  no  similar  statements  regarding  what  was  happening  in  the 
northwestern  group  during  the  early  period,  the  first  observations  there 
being  set  down  by  Marchand  in  1790,  who  visited  both  groups.  Though 
Marchand  touched  for  a short  time  at  only  two  bays  in  the  northwestern 
islands,  still  it  is  valuable  to  have  his  statement  that  he  finds  in  Ua  Pou 
the  same  custom  of  tattooing  as  in  Tahu  Ata  but  not  so  general,  few 
tattooed  individuals  being  seen  (ii,  p.  167).  Unfortunately  he  does  not 
define  the  types  of  motives  there  as  he  does  in  Tahu  Ata.  Just  a few 
years  later,  however,  in  1803,  Langsdorff  gives  a number  of  drawings 
from  the  northwestern  group  with  explanations  of  them  (10:  PI.  vi,  p. 
1 17;  PI.  VII,  p.  1 19;  PI.  VIII,  p.  122;  pp.  XIV,  XV,  XVI ).  which  show  that 


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Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


by  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  designs  in  Nuku  Hiva  were  a 
combination  of  purely  geometric  figures  with  all  save  two  of  the  principal 
conventional  units  of  the  latest  phase  of  the  art  that  at  the  present  day 
is  universally  attributed  by  the  natives  to  the  southeastern  islands,  which 
for  convenience  may  be  referred  to  as  the  Hiva  Oa  development.  Dor- 
dillon  (3)  gives  the  names  of  many  motives  which  have  completely  disap- 
peared today,  most  of  them  recorded  in  the  northwestern  group.  Of 
these,  several  would  indicate  naturalistic  treatment : a’akiva,  line  of  sea 
builders ; aukohuhu,  a seaweed ; haha’ua,  a kind  of  ray  fish ; homae,  a 
fish ; koao,  a fish ; matuku,  a bird ; keeheii,  wing ; .tikmi’e,  fly ; toetoe,  crab. 
Furthermore,  in  1843  Melville  saw  fish  and  birds  and  an  artu{?)  tree 
tattooed  on  natives  of  Nuku  Hiva  (13,  p.  157)  ; Desgraz,  the  same  year, 
describes  fish  and  shells  (18,  p.  223);  Garcia  in  184.5,  ^sh ; Berchon,  in 
1859,  boots,  gloves,  suns,  sharks,  cockroaches,  coconuts,  lizards.  In  ad- 
dition to  these  naturalistic  motives,  all  these  visitors  also  saw  geometric 
patterns,  showing  that  in  the  northwestern  group  as  long  as  we  have  any 
record  of  tattooing  there,  the  two  types  have  existed  side  by  side  as 
they  do  today.  (For  naturalistic  motives  see  Pis.  xviii ; xx,  B,  c;  xi,  D; 
XXX,  ;;  for  geometric,  Pis.  xviii,  xix,  xx.  A,  h;  xxi,  D,  a). 

On  the  other  hand  the  earliest  drawings  obtainable  that  are  known 
to  be  of  the  Hiva  Oa  type  are  those  drawn  by  Proiho  and  an  old  tuhuna 
pa,tu  tiki  of  Fatu  Hiva  (Pis.  ix.  A;  xii,  C;  xiv,  B;  xvi ; xxx).  These 
are  impossible  to  place  chronologically  and  are  no  longer  found  upon  the 
body  in  exactly  these  forms.  Among  them  is  found  but  one  genuinely 
naturalistic  motive  (PI.  xxx,  j)  but  a combination  of  geometric  figures 
such  as  squares  (PI.  xii,  C,  b and  r),  bars  (PI.  xxx,  C),  oblique  (PI. 
xxx,  d)  and  variously  crossed  lines  (PI.  xvi,  d;  xxx,  a;  xxx,  k),  with 
simple  forms  of  all  the  modern  conventional  motives  save  the  matakomoe 
of  Langsdorff,  now  called  po’i’i  (PI.  xxxiii,  e)  and  the  flower-like  or 
sunlike  disk  variously  called  puahitu,  puahue  and  huetai  (PI.  xxxiv,  e), 
both  of  which  are  to  be  found  in  primitive  form  in  the  early  Nuku  Hiva 
art  (PI.  XXIX,  f,  c).  Today  three  naturalistic  designs,  and  these  very 
crude,  are  to  be  found  in  the  southeastern  group,  and  these  are  all  the 
work  of  the  same  artist.  (Pis.  x.  A,  2,  a;  xxviii,  D,  E).  The  designs 
described  as  belonging  to  former  Nuku  Hiva  and  Fatu  Hiva  styles  have 
in  common  several  units,  many  of  them  in  primitive  form  which  are  to 
be  found  today  in  the  Hiva  Oa  style:  for  example,  the  koheta  (Pis.  xxx,  0; 
XXIX,  a and  b;  xxxiv,  a and  b);  the  kaake  (Pis.  xxx,  i;  xxix,  h; 
XXXIV,  g insets)  ; the  hikuhiku  atii  (Pis.  xxix,  b;  xxx,  g;  xxxiii,  h) ; and 
the  mata  hoata  (Pis.  xxx,  e,  lower  a;  xxix,  g;  i,  D,  thigh)  ; and  what  I 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas  17 

conceive  to  be  the  forerunner  of  the  underarm  ipuoto,  the  original  po’i’i  or 
shellfish  motive  (PI.  ix,  A,  a;  xii.  A,  B,  D). 

An  examination  of  the  extant  examples  of  the  art  shows  a distinct 
cleavage  between  the  two  groups  in  their  conception  of  design,  that  of  the 
southeastern  being  purely  conventional  with  but  minor  relics  of  the  geo- 
metric and  the  slightest  trace  of  the  naturalistic ; that  of  the  northwestern 
showing  several  examples  of  naturalistic  art,  many  of  the  geometric,  and 
a simpler  form  of  the  conventional  than  the  other.  Marquesans  are  all 
agreed,  that,  as  far  as  tattooing  customs  went,  the  islands  were  divided 
into  two  groups:  Nuku  Hiva  and  Ua  Pou  forming  one;  Hiva  Oa,  Tahu 
Ata,  Fatu  Hiva  and  Ua  Huka — because  of  its  close  intercourse  with  the 
north  and  west  coast  of  Hiva  Oa — forming  the  other.  It  may  be  re- 
marked that  Fatu  Hiva  is  accepted  as  the  home  of  carving  and  modern 
tattooing;  but,  being  regarded  as  a kind  of  suburb  of  Hiva  Oa,  the  latter 
island  is  referred  to  as  the  center.  Several  trustworthy  informants  de- 
clare that  before  the  whites  came,  tiihuna  patu  tiki  went  from  Hiva  Oa  to 
Nuku  Hiva  to  teach  them  the  art  there,  as  before  this  time  the  Nuku 
Hivans  used  only  “dirty  black  patches.”  We  know  that,  by  Melville’s 
time,  a transfer  from  the  one  to  the  other  group  was  taking  place,  for  he 
says  that  when  he  was  in  Nuku  Hiva  in  1843  (12,  p.  48),  Hiva  Oa 
enjoyed  a reputation  for  tattooing  in  the  whole  group.  At  the  time  of 
its  discontinuance  as  a practice,  it  was  certainly  Hiva  Oa  tattooing  that 
prevailed  over  the  whole  group. 

Face  patterns  seem  to  have  followed  the  same  general  lines  of  develop- 
ment, with  a period  at  least  of  divergent  styles  in  the  two  groups.  Some 
Hiva  Oa  natives  say  that  lizard  motives  were  anciently  used  on  the  face ; 
but  early  voyagers  indicate  only  geometric  figures,  Marchand — the  first 
to  attempt  to  define  them — speaking  vaguely  of  various  lines  on  the  fore- 
head representing  kinds  of  hieroglyphics  or  characters  of  Chinese  writing 
(16,  Vol.  II,  PI.  133;  10,  PI.  VI,  p.  1 17).  Langsdorff  pictures  a man  with  a 
spiral  on  his  cheek  (10,  PI.  vi,  p.  117)  and  this  convention  is  confirmed 
by  living  informants  who  describe  these  kokoata  (PI.  v,  7)  on  the  faces 
of  warriors  and  chiefs.  Today,  naturalistic  motives  are  not  to  be  seen 
upon  the  face,  but  what  may  be  a descendant  of  the  spiral  occurs  on 
Ua  Pou  in  a fine  design  on  the  nostril  (PI.  iv,  7,  10;  V,  4).  The  prevalent 
style  called  ti’atiapn,  to  encircle  several  times,  consists  of  three  solid 
stripes,  sometimes  seen  as  unfinished  half-stripes,  banding  the  face  hori- 
zontally, one  across  the  forehead,  one  across  the  eyes  and  the  third  across 
the  mouth.  (See  Pis.  iii-v.)  This  is  everywhere  declared  to  be  a Hiva  Oa 
style  and  there  is  a variant  where  the  mouth  band  covers  the  nostrils, 


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Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


said  to  belong  to  Fatu  Hiva.  Of  this  but  one  living  example  could  be 
found  (PI.  V,  8).  Of  the  old  Nuku  Hiva  paheke,  distinguished  by  an  oblique 
band  running  from  the  right  center  of  the  forehead  across  the  left  eye 
and  cheek  (PI.  y,  5),  there  remain  today  but  two  examples.  What  form 
the  transition  from  spiral  to  band  may  have  taken  can  only  be  conjec- 
tured. A reliable  Hiva  Oa  informant  describes  a former  convention  of  that 
island  which  seems  to  be  a combination  of  over-eye  arcs — perhaps  a relic 
of  the  spiral — , of  peheke  and  fi’ati’apu  (PI.  v,  6;  see  also  Langsdorff’s 
description  and  PL  viii,  figs.  10,  ii,  p.  xi).  In  Melville’s  time,  both  the 
modern  styles  were  seen  on  Nuku  Hiva,  and  in  the  tattooing  to  be  seen 
today,  the  Hiva  Oa  has  replaced  the  Nuku  Hiva  design  completely.  In  the 
fine  inset  and  inter-band  motives  are  to  be  found  both  geometric  and  con- 
ventional motives,  never  naturalistic. 

How  may  this  divergence  between  groups  and  the  growth  from  the 
naturalistic  through  the  geometric  to  the  conventional — as  seems  to  be 
the  probable  development — be  accounted  for? 

Perhaps  it  may  be  postulated  that  before  the  seventeenth  century 
naturalistic  motives  were  used  in  both  groups,  that  during  the  two  un- 
recorded centuries  geometric  figures  appeared  in  the  southeastern  group, 
that  these  gradually  replaced  the  naturalistic  there  or  transformed  them 
into  the  conventional,  and  that  at  each  stage  of  development  the  new 
styles  were  carried  to  the  northwest  where  they  did  not  so  completely 
obliterate  or  amalgamate  the  native  patterns,  some  of  which  persist  to 
this  day  in  their  old  form. 

Influences  which  may  have  contributed  to  such  a development  are 
suggested  by  an  examination  of  adzing  and  carving  motives.  Ornamental 
adzing  in  simple  geometric  patterns  seems  to  have  been  the  primitive 
form  of  wood  decoration.  Imitation  of  its  technique  as  well  as  the  use 
of  its  motives  on  the  body  is  evident.  The  former  is  seen  in  the  filling 
of  spaces,  ordinarily  made  solid  in  color,  with  parallel,  oblique,  zigzag 
or  wavy  lines  (PI.  iii,  7,  inset  in  eye  band;  xxi,  B,  b;  xxxvi,  insets 
in  e and  g;  xxxv,  inset  barred  teeth  in  f;  xxx,  d)  ; in  the  use  of  the  inter- 
section of  adzing  lines  to  form  the  motive  called  kopito  (PI.  xxiii.  A,  d; 
possibly  also  the  inset  in  the  forehead  band  in  PI.  iii,  8).  In  tattooing 
are  found  such  housepost  motives  as  the  cross  formed  by  adzing  off  the 
corners  of  a square  (PI.  xii,  C,  b),  concentric  circles  (PI.  xii-£,  b)  and 
concentric  half-ovals  (PI.  xxviii,  E;  xviii,  a).  It  is  possible  that  the 
use  of  four  triangles  in  a square  or  oblong,  as  well  as  the  conception  of 
design  in  bands  may  have  come  from  this  art  of  adzing  wood.  When  it 
is  remembered  that  wood  was  scorched  before  a pattern  was  adzed  or 
carved  upon  it,  so  that  the  design  was  in  natural  wood  color,  the  back- 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


19 


ground  in  black,  the  conclusion  suggests  itself  that  such  motives  as  the 
pahito  (PI.  XXIII,  A,  j and  k,  left  and  right)  and  the  flamelike  ends  of 
triangles  (xviii,  xix  A)  may  be  copies  of  the  black  background  left  by 

gouging  alongside  a line  in  the  one  case  and  by  cutting  short  lines 

vertically  out  from  a straight  line  in  the  other.  It  seems  as  if  the 
checkerboard  pattern,  of  which  but  one  example  is  extant,  must  have 
originally  been  carved  on  wood  (PI.  xxi,  D,  a).  Parallel  and  wavy 
lines  and  other  adzing  and  carving  concepts  are  used  on  the  body,  as 
seen  in  the  preceding  example.  It  will  be  noticed  that  most  of  these 
coincidences  are  found  in  Nuku  Hiva,  Ua  Pou  or  early  Fatu  Hiva  types, 
rather  than  in  the  prevalent  modern  patterns,  though  among  these  are 
two  examples  of  the  scroll  so  prominent  in  carving  (see  also  Pis.  xxxviii, 
D ; XXXV,  c). 

Wood  carving,  as  distinguished  from  adzing,  which  decorated  bowls, 
paddles,  clubs,  etc.,  seems  to  be  a mixture  of  adzing  patterns,  geometric 

squarish  spirals  and  a few  of  the  conventional  motives  usual  in  tattooing. 

Of  carving  technique  copies  such  as  the  veining  along  a midrib  (PI. 
xxviii  E)  are  found  in  tattooing;  of  carving  design,  similarities  to  old 
war  club  patterns  (PI.  vi,  B;  x.  A,  2,  a;  the  tava,  which  was  formerly 
burned  on  a plank  in  the  house  of  the  inspirational  priest  (PI.  xvi,  m)  ; 

and  such  small  units  as  the  tiki  in  forehead  and  mouth  bands  of  Plate  iii,  7. 

Common  to  both  carving  and  tattooing  are  such  conventional  motives  as 
the  honu  kca  or  woodlouse,  the  mata  hoata  or  brilliant  eye,  the  ka’ake 
or  underarm  curve,  the  poka’a  or  wooden  block  for  carrying  a load  on 
the  shoulder,  the  enata  or  man.  Whether  these  motives  originated  as 
wood  carving  patterns  or  as  body  decoration  and  in  which  direction  the 
transfer  and  adaption  was  made  it  is  impossible  to  say  definitely. 

Several  interesting  possibilities  are  suggested  by  an  analysis  of  the 
various  motives  called  kea  today.  It  would  appear  that  the  kea  of  com- 
mon occurrence  on  wood  is  really  a conventionalization  of  the  honu  kea 

or  woodlouse  with  its  six  legs  and  two  antennae.  This  was  seen  but 

once  in  tattooing,  on  the  wrist  of  an  old  woman  of  Fatu  Hiva  (PI.  vii.  A, 
i,  a)  and  was  drawn  by  an  artist  of  Fatu  Hiva  as  a former  unit  there 
(PI.  XVI,  K).  On  the  other  hand,  the  usual  body  kea  (PI.  xxii,  B,  b 
center)  may  very  well  be  a simple  conventionalization  of  one  of  the 
carved  tortoise-shell  plaques  of  the  packea  or  crown — a carved  product 
of  Hiva  Oa — the  motive  having  been  borrowed  from  shell  rather  than  from 
wood  carving.  There  is  a motive  found  today  in  tattooing  on  Ua  Pou  (PI. 
XX,  A,  e;  xxi,  D,  b)  and  depicted  also  as  an  early  Fatu  Hiva  unit  (PI.  ix, 
A,  b)  which  resembles  the  e honu,  tortoise,  drawn  by  Langsdorff,  and 
this,  which  has  disappeared  from  Hiva  Oa  tattooing,  may  perhaps  be  said 


20 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


to  be  the  only  conventional  derivative  of  a naturalistic  portrayal  of  the 
tortoise  and  probably  the  only  pure  body  motive  among  the  variants  called 
kea.  The  southeastern  carving  motive  is  the  kca  which  prevails  today. 

Another  usual  conventional  motive  appearing  both  in  carving  and 
tattooing,  the  mata  hoata,  or  brilliant  eye  (PI.  xxvi,  A.  e),  would  appear 
to  have  originated  in  neither,  being,  in  its  simplest  form,  a copy  of  the  eyes, 
ears  and  nostrils  of  a tiki  or  image  face.  Only  on  wood  is  this  simple  copy 
found  today,  and  on  wood  we  find  all  the  transition  stages  of  its  develop- 
ment to  the  highly  conventionalized  unit  common  in  tattooing  today ; 
whence  it  would  appear  that  the  mata  hoata  originated  in  sculpture,  was 
copied  upon  wood,  and  transferred  to  the  body,  where  it  gradually  was 
elaborated  and  more  highly  conventionalized.  (For  development  see  PI. 
XXX,  b,  which  is  found  only  on  wood  today;  xi,  A,  c;  xviii,  b;  xxxiv,  b; 
XXXIII,  c ; XXIII,  B,  f,  a;  xxiii.  A,  a,  center.) 

Of  conventional  motives  the  ka'ake  is  perhaps  the  most  widely  used. 
Dordillon  gives  kakekake  as  one  of  the  words  used  to  designate  tattooing 
which  is  entirely  finished.  He  spells  the  word  “kake,”  but  it  seems  better 
to  adopt  the  spelling  ‘‘ka’ake”  for  the  following  reasons : The  distinguish- 
ing feature  of  the  motive  is  its  never  varying  curve  which  seems  to  cor- 
respond to  the  line  of  the  under-arm  curve  or  arm-pit  for  which  the 
native  term  is  ka’ake.  The  assumption  that  this  curve  of  the  body  origi- 
nally gave  the  name  to  the  motive  is  borne  out  by  several  lines  of  rea- 
soning. In  the  first  place,  Langsdorff  assigns  the  placing  of  this  motive 
originally  to  the  inside  arm  and  ribs  (lo,  p.  xv)  ; in  the  second  place, 
we  have  described  for  us  this  simple  under-arm  curve  as  its  earliest 
form  (PI.  XXIX,  h;  xxx,  i) ; and  in  the  third  place,  the  elaborations  of 
this  curve,  as  the  motive  grew  in  complexity,  are  representations  of  the 
enata  or  man  with  upraised  arms  (PI.  vi,  B,  center  bottom),  and  of  the 
poka’a  (PI.  IX,  B at  base  of  fingers)  or  curved  wooden  object  placed  on 
the  shoulders  on  which  to  rest  a pole  in  carrying  a heavy  load.  The  associa- 
tion of  ideas  seems  obvious  and  we  find  them  associated  today  as  minor  deco- 
rations in  the  under-arm  pattern  (PI.  xiii,  B,  a,  b;  xiii,  C,  c and  d ; 
XIV,  A).  This  combination  is  especially  marked  in  the  simpler  forms  of 
the  ka’ake  as  found  on  Ua  Pou  (PI.  xx,  B,  b)  and  Nuka  Hiva  (PI.  xv,  a). 
Although  this  unit  appears  upon  wood,  it  seems  reasonable  to  suggest  that 
it  was  originally  a body  pattern. 

There  are  certain  body  motives  which  seem  never  or  rarely  to  have 
been  used  upon  wood,  such  as  the  huctai  (PI.  xxxiv,  c)  and  the  po’i’i 
(PI.  XXXIII,  e;  XXVI,  A,  d,  center),  which  are  associated  with  early  Nuku 
Hiva,  not  Hiva  Oa,  art;  and  there  are  some  which  are  just  beginning 
to  be  transferred  to  wood  at  the  present  time,  as  the  ipu’oto,  another  unit 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


21 


found  in  early  Nuku  Hiva  design  (PI.  xiii)  ; but  it  seems  impossible 
definitely  to  assign  particular  conventional  motives  to  the  one  medium  or 
the  other.  However,  it  may  perhaps  be  stated  that  geometric  elements 
did  originate  on  wood,  and  that  the  influence  of  geometric  adzing  and 
carving  appears  in  tattooing  both  in  certain  transferred  elements  and  in 
a general  conventionalization  of  the  primitive  naturalistic  motives.  Inas- 
much as  Fatu  Hiva  is  known  to  be  the  carving  center,  we  may  further 
define  the  geometric  influence  as  springing  directly  from  wood-carvers 
of  the  southeastern  group. 

The  use  of  solid  patches  may  be  traced  with  interest,  as  here  again 
we  find  a different  treatment  in  the  two  groups.  Some  modern  infor- 
mants describe  the  men  of  Xuku  Hiva  as  formerly  having  half  of  the  body 
entirely  black  (PI.  xii,  B)  ; one  remembers  seeing  a man  with  solid- 
black  legs ; several  testify  that  when  a man  was  completely  tattooed  in 
design,  if  he  could  bear  it,  the  spaces  were  gone  over  and  filled  in  until 
all  pattern  was  obliterated  and  he  was  completely  black.  In  corroborat- 
ing this  custom  in  Xuku  Hiva,  Langsdorff  says  that  he  saw  some  old  men 
who  were  punctured  over  and  over  to  such  a degree  that  the  outlines  of 
each  separate  figure  were  scarcely  to  be  distinguished  and  the  body  had 
an  almost  negro-like  appearance.  (See  also  14.  p.  78;  8.  p.  155;  17,  p. 
306;  I,  p.  106.)  There  are  no  accounts  of  such  a practice  in  the  south- 
eastern islands,  and  this  seems  to  point  to  an  aesthetic  sense  there,  which 
was  lacking  in  the  northwest,  for  certainly  people  with  sufficient  artistic 
sense  to  originate  these  beautiful  patterns  would  not  have  covered  them 
afterwards  and  considered  the  results  the  “height  of  perfection  in  orna- 
ment,’’ as  did  the  tuhiina  of  Xuku  Hiva,  according  to  Langsdorff  and  the 
other  early  voyagers. 

Desgraz,  who  was  in  Xuku  Hiva  at  approximately  the  same  time  as 
Melville,  when  Hiva  Oa  tattooing  was  the  vogue,  describes  the  use  there 
of  black  bands  containing  delicate  figures.  These  are  today  the  funda- 
mentally distinguishing  feature  of  the  Hiva  Oa  type  of  body  design  as 
well  as  of  the  face  pattern.  On  the  other  hand,  both  from  descriptions 
of  natives  today  and  from  examination  of  the  tattooing  of  the  only  old 
man  and  old  woman  to  be  found,  whose  patterns  were  put  on  by  Xuku 
Hiva  tiihuna,  the  basic  principle  of  the  Xuku  Hiva  type  seems  to  have  been 
solid  patches.  Leg  patterns  for  women  found  today  fall  into  three  dis- 
tinct types:  that  of  Xuku  Hiva  (Pis.  xvii-xix),  L’a  Pou  (Pis.  xx-xxi),  and 
Hiva  Oa  (Pis.  xxii-xxviii).  The  first  is  distinguished  by  triangular  patches 
of  different  sizes  fitted  together  with  half  inch  spaces  between  them,  the 
only  regularity  of  arrangement  being  their  placing  so  as  to  form  a straight 
line  down  the  center  front  of  the  leg.  Flamelike  edges,  inset  teeth,  and 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


geometric  linings,  with  here  and  there  a naturalistic  unit,  break  up  the  heavy 
patches  and  add  to  their  irregular  and  fancy  appearance.  Examination  of 
the  leg  motives  of  this  very  tapu>  Nuku  Hiva  chief  ess,  who  must  have  em- 
ployed the  best  artist  obtainable,  provokes  the  suggestion  that  these  insets 
were  crude  and  inartistic  attempts  at  a style  from  the  southeast  which  had 
perhaps  just  been  introduced  into  Nuku  Hiva  and  with  which  the  Nuku  Hiva 
iiihuna  was  not  acquainted  or  perhaps  to  which  he  was  not  equal.  The 
second  type,  that  of  Ua  Pou,  is  put  on  below  the  knee  only,  in  horizontal 
bands  of  delicately  lined  patterns,  the  motives  on  either  side  of  the  center, 
front  and  back,  being  exactly  alike.  The  whole  may  be  conceived  of  in  front 
and  back  longitudinal  sections  of  symmetrical  halves,  which  meet  in  the 
middle  of  either  side  of  the  leg.  Naturalistic,  geometric  and  conventional 
treatments  are  all  present.  The  third  type,  that  of  Hiva  Oa,  which  was 
the  prevalent  style  at  the  time  of  the  discontinuance  of  the  art,  is  similar 
in  arrangement  to  that  of  Ua  Pou,  extending  however  high  up  onto  the 
thigh,  and  presents  a mean  between  the  two  former  in  heaviness  of 
treatment,  the  fine  lines  swelling  into  black  curves.  The  mode  is  almost 
purely  conventional.  The  two  latter  may  be  characterized  as  curvilinear; 
the  former,  as  angular  in  design. 

The  leg  patterns  to  be  seen  on  living  men  fall  into  two  types,  a single 
example  representing  that  of  Nuku  Hiva  (PI.  xxxi),  all  the  rest  being 
of  the  Hiva  Oa  type  (Pis.  xxxii-xxxvin) . The  former  is  characterized 
by  unadorned  heavy  patches,  triangular  and  oblong  in  shape,  fitted  together 
obliquely  with  no  plan  of  arrangement  save  the  formation  of  a straight 
intersection  down  the  front  of  the  leg.  Teeth  are  the  only  insets.  The 
Hiva  Oa  examples  show  the  style  to  be  of  horizontal  bands  extending 
around  three  quarters  of  the  leg,  the  inside  front  quarter  being  filled 
with  triangles  in  the  Nuku  Hiva  style  (PI.  xxxiv,  e-j),  indicating,  per- 
haps, a borrowing  from  the  heavy  black  patches  of  that  group.  The  thigh 
band  and  the  underknee  band  are  always  composed  either  of  four  triangles 
or  of  triangles  and  parallelograms  with  insets  of  teeth ; but  beyond  this, 
this  style  is  totally  different  from  the  Nuku  Hiva  example,  variations  of 
the  same  fine  line  motives  used  in  Hiva  Oa  for  women  being  set  into 
pahito  so  that  the  heavy  bands  become  merely  a framework  for  them. 
The  Nuku  Hiva  pattern  drawn  from  life  stands  quite  apart  from  that 
pictured  by  early  navigators  (lo,  pp.  117,  119;  16,  PI.  132)  and  described 
by  a modern  informant  on  Fatu  Hiva  (See  PI.  xxix).  It  is  a pity  that  no 
other  living  example  of  the  work  of  a Nuku  Hiva  artist  could  be  found, 
as  it  is  unsafe  to  make  any  general  statement  about  it. 

At  the  present  time,  there  is  but  one  type  of  back  decoration  for  men 
(PI.  XIV,  C)  : eight  heavy  rectangular  patches  arranged  in  pairs  along  the 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


23 


back  bone  with  fine  line  insets  and  a girdle.  These  are  called  peka  tua, 
back  cross,  by  an  informant  of  Nuku  Hiva  and  may  be  an  outgrowth  of 
the  cross  on  the  back  described  by  Langsdorff  (10,  p.  123),  though  the 
present  mode  bears  no  resemblance  to  a cross,  being  rather  another 
example  of  band  construction. 

^^dth  the  band  construction  of  the  present  day,  then,  are  associated 
exact  technique,  perfect  symmetr)-,  an  evident  understanding  of  anatomy 
and  fitting  of  design  to  the  body,  and  motives  which  are  akin  in  name 
and  formation  to  those  carved  on  bowls,  paddles,  canoes,  and  similar 
objects.  The  distinguishing  features  accompanying  the  oblique  patch  type 
are  irregularity,  no  sense  of  the  design  as  a whole,  no  fitting  of  the 
motives  to  the  body,  naturalistic  units,  fussy,  elaborate,  non-aesthetic,  fine- 
line  insets. 

A survey  of  these  two  types  of  body  decoration  leads  naturally  to  the 
suggestion  that  there  was  a fundamental  difference  of  concept  between  the 
two  groups  regarding  the  reason  for  its  use.  Plainly,  there  was  an 
emphasis  upon  endurance  and  fortitude  in  the  mind  of  the  northwesterner 
when  he  braved  the  pain  of  a completely  perforated  skin ; while  the  south- 
easterner  looked  upon  the  art  as  more  purely  decorative.  Dordillon  gives 
the  word  ne'one’o  as  meaning  “what  inspires  horror  (in  speaking  of  a 
wound),”  and  “to  cry  a long  time;”  and  this  word  with  the  addition  of 
the  phra.se,  “i  te  tiki”  means  “completely  covered  with  tattooing.”  It  is 
the  pain  of  which  the  people  of  the  Marquesas  speak  today  when  dis- 
playing their  decorations,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  this  is  as  true  in 
the  one  group  as  in  the  other. 

The  only  practical  reason  for  tattooing  that  was  suggested  by  living 
informants  came  from  a man  of  Nuku  Hiva,  who,  in  describing  an  old 
mode  of  the  northwestern  group  of  tattooing  half  of  the  entire  body  solid 
black,  accounts  for  this  style  by  saying  that  such  a one  turned  his  black 
side  towards  the  enemy  during  a battle,  so  that  he  could  not  be  dis- 
tinguished or  recognized. 

Inquiry  into  the  naming  of  motives  may  throw  some  light  upon  their 
significance  in  the  native  mind.  Appreciation  of  the  anatomy  of  the 
body  is  often  of  such  paramount  importance  as  to  give  the  name  of  the 
body  part  to  the  motive  which  is  fitted  to  it,  the  fatina  (joint)  or  knee 
jointure  pattern  (PI.  xxxiv,  f)  being  a case  in  point.  The  same  sense  of 
body  form  is  approached  from  a slightly  different  angle,  as  in  the  naming 
of  the  buttock  pattern,  tifa  (cover)  (PI.  xxxv,  c),  the  convex  of  the 
body  part  resembling  the  cover  of  a calabash.  Motives  are  sometimes 
referred  to  in  purely  technical  terms  of  form:  such  as  paka  (PI.  xxxv,  h) 
a splinter;  kopito  (PI.  xxiii.  A,  d,  left  and  right)  zigzag;  or  in  terms  of 


24 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


the  parts  they  play  in  the  pattern  as  a whole,  such  as  the  ka’ava  (PI.  x,  B, 
I,  g) ; beam  supporting  the  timbers  of  a house,  which  performs  just  this 
function  in  the  hand  pattern;  or  the  iti’Ui’i  (PI.  xxvi,  B,  h)  which  encircles 
the  leg,  binding  together  the  side  motives. 

Many  of  the  design  names  * then,  are  names  given  by  artists  in  terms 
of  their  particular  medium;  but  motives  are  also  named  for  objects  in 
nature  or  in  the  material  culture,  of  which  they  were  probably  originally 
naturalistic  copies.  Prominent  among  these  are  the  enata  (PI.  xxiii,  B,  h) 
or  man;  the  nihoniho  pcata  (PI.  iii,  6,  c)  or  shark’s  teeth;  the  hikuhiku 
atii  (PI.  xxxiv,  k)  or  bonito  tails;  the  pakiei  (PI.  xx,  B,  f)  or  crab;  the 
fa’amana  (PI.  xvi,  h)  or  pandanus  branches;  the  makamaka  (PI.  xx.  A,  c), 
branches;  the  kaka’a  (PI.  xx,  B,  c),  lizard;  the  poka’a  (PI.  ix,  B at  base 
of  fingers)  or  shoulder  rest  for  a carrying  pole,  which  is  sometimes  repre- 
sented with  the  carrying  pole  in  the  socket  as  in  the  finger  motives  of 
PI.  IX,  C,  I. 

A third  department  of  names  seems  to  relate  to  legends  and  beliefs ; 
such  being  the  vai  o Kena  (PI.  xxvi.  A,  g,  center)  water  of  Kena;  the 
•vai  ta  keetu  (PI.  xvi,  c),  sacred  bathing  place  of  chiefs;  the  vai  me’anut 
(PI.  XX,  A,  d),  water  moon ; the  Pohu  (PI.  xxii,  B,  g,  center),  a legendary 
hero;  the  peke’oumei  and  the  fanaua  (PI.  xv,  c),  or  evil  spirits. 

Whether  these  and  the  naturalistic  motives  had  magical  significance  is 
not  known  today,  though  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  fanaua  were 
put  upon  the  back  of  this  one  w'oman  to  protect  her  from  these  evil 
spirits.  The  only  positive  statement  regarding  the  significance  of  tattooing 
design  in  the  Marquesas  that  can  be  made  upon  the  basis  of  the  data 
available  today  is  that  it  was  considered  purely  decorative  at  the  time  of 
the  cessation  of  the  practice  of  the  art.  And  it  is  as  pure  design  that  it 
should  be  studied  and  appreciated. 

* In  the  explanation  of  the  plates  the  names  of  the  motives  are  those  given  by  the 
persons  on  whose  bodies  they  are  found.  It  is  impossible  to  secure  accurate  transla- 
tions of  the  majority  of  design  names  from  natives  today,  since  these  have  become 
simply  names  to  them.  The  names  given  here  are  only  those  which  a knowledge  of 
the  language  and  information  from  natives  and  from  Dordillon  seem  to  make  reliable. 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


25 


TRANSLATIONS  OF  DESIGN  NAMES 


aa  fanaua 


akaaka  fa’a 
enata 
fa’a  mana 
fanaua 
fatina 

hei  ta’avaha 
hei  po’i’i 


hikuhiku  atu 

honu 
hue  ao 
hue  epo 
hue  tai 
ihu  epo 
ikeike 
ipu  ani 
ipu  ao 
ipu  oto 
iti’iti’i 
ka’ake 
ka’ava 
kaka’a 
kea 


kikipu 

kikomata 

kikutu 

kohe  ta 

kohe  tua 

kopiko 

koua’ehi 

makamaka 

mata 

mata  hoata 
niho  or  nihoniho 
nihoniho  peata 
nutu  kaha 
omuo  puaina 

pahito 

paka 


row  of  evil  spirits 
(of  a certain 
kind) 

pandanus  roots 
man 

pandanus  branches 
a kind  of  evil  spirit 
jointure 

a diadem  of  cock’s 
plumes 

shellfish  (of  a cer- 
tain circular 
kind)  wreath 
tails  of  the  bonito 
fish 

tortoise 

calabash  bottom 
dirty  calabash 
compass 
dirty  nose 
a kind  of  shrub 
sky  bowl 
bowl  bottom 
inside  the  bowl 
binding 
armpit 
ridge  pole 
lizard 

woodlouse,  or  tor- 
toise or  a 
carved 
plaque  of 
tortoise  shell 

lips 

eyes 

lips 

sword 

back  knife 

zigzag 

coconut  leaves 

branches 

eyes 

brilliant  eye 
teeth 

shark’s  teeth 
mouth  or  muzzle 
a kind  of  carved 
bone  earring 
ancient  patch 
splinter 


paka  oto 

pakiei 

pana’o 

papua 

papua  au  ti 

papua  enata 
peata 
peka  tua 
peke  ou  mei 
pia’o  tiu 

Pohu 

po’i’i 

poka’a 


pu 

puaina,  puainga 
pua  hitu 

pua  hue 
puha  puaka 
puto’o 
tamau 
tapu  vae 
ti’ati’a  pu 

tifa 

tiki 

tiki  ae 
tou  pae 

tumu  ima 
vahana  ae 
vai  me’ama 
vai  o Kena 


vai  ta  keetu 


veo 

vi’i  po’i’i 


inside  places 
crab 

cut  in  small  slices, 
traced 

enclosure  or  gar- 
den 

enclosure  of  ti 
leaves 

native  enclosure 
shark 
back  cross 
a kind  of  evil  spirit 
to  fold  or  make 

into  bundles 
a legendary  char- 
acter 

a kind  of  coiled 
shell  fish 

a shaped  wooden 
shoulder 
rest  for  a 
carrying  pole 
conch  shell 
ear 

flower  of  olden 
times 

flower  calabash 
pig’s  thigh 
buttocks 
ring 

sacred  foot 
to  encircle  several 
times 

cover 

image 

forehead  image 
three  head  orna- 
ments 
hand  tree 
half  a forehead 
water  moon 
water  of  Kena,  a 
legendary 
hero 

sacred  bathing 
place  of 
chiefs 
tail 

to  turn  the  shell 
fish 


26 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1.  Berchon,  Le  tatouage  aux  lies  Marquises:  Bull.  Soc.  d’Anthr.,  vol.  i,  pp.  99-117, 

Paris,  i860. 

2.  Chaui.et,  Pierre,  Manuscript  in  possession  of  the  Catholic  Mission  in  the  Mar- 

quesas. 

3.  Dordileon,  I.  R.,  Grammaire  et  dictionnaire  de  la  langue  des  lies  Marquises, 

Paris,  1904. 

4.  Forster,  G.,  A Voyage  round  the  World:  vol.  2,  London,  1777. 

5.  Forster,  J.  R.,  Observations  made  during  a voyage  round  the  World,  London, 

1778. 

6.  Garcia  [Gracia?],  Mathias,  Le  P.,  Letters  sur  les  lies  Marquises:  Paris,  1843. 

7.  Jardin,  Edelestant,  Essai  sur  I’histoire  naturelle  de  I’archipel  des  Marquises,  Paris 

et  Cherbourg,  1862. 

8.  Krusenstern,  a.  J.  von.  Voyage  round  the  world  in  the  years  1803,  1804.  1805, 

and  1806,  vol.  i,  translated  from  the  original  German  by  Richard  Belgrave 
Hoppner,  London,  1813. 

9.  LacassagnE,  a.,  Les  Tatouages,  etude  anthropologique  et  medico-legale : Paris 

1881. 

10.  Langsdorff,  G.  H.  von.  Voyages  and  travels  in  various  parts  of  the  world  during 

the  years  1803,  1804,  1805,  1806,  and  1807,  London,  1813. 

11.  Marchand,  Etienne,  Voyage  autour  du  Monde  pendant  les  annees  1790,  1791 

et  1792,  vol.  I,  Paris  an  vi-viii  [6th  to  8th  years  of  the  Republic — 1797- 
1800]. 

12.  Melville,  Herman,  Omoo,  a narrative  of  adventure  in  the  South  Seas : New 

York,  1863. 

13.  Melville,  Herman,  Typee,  A peep  at  Polynesian  life  during  a four  months’ 

residence  in  a valley  of  the  Marquesas,  New  York,  1876. 

14.  Porter,  David,  A voyage  in  the  South  Seas,  London,  1823. 

15.  Quiros,  Pedro  Fernandez  de.  The  Voyages  of  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Quiros,  1595 

to  1606:  Hakluyt  Soc-,  2nd  ser.,  vols.  14,  15,  translated  and  edited  by  Sir 
Clements  Markhamj^  London,  1904. 

16.  Rienzi,  M.  G.  L.  Domeny  de,  Oceanie  ou  cinquieme  partie  du  Monde,  vol.  2, 

Paris,  1863. 

17.  Stewart,  C.  S.,  A visit  to  the  South  Seas  in  the  U.  S.  Ship  Vincennes  during 

the  years  1829  and  1830,  vol.  i.  New  York,  1831. 

18.  Vincendon-Dumoulin  and  Desgraz,  C.,  lies  Marquises  ou  Nouka-Hiva,  histoire, 

geographie,  moeurs,  Paris,  1843. 


27 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 

EXPLANATION  OF  PLATES 

(From  drawings  by  the  author  except  where  otherwise  indicated.) 

Plate  I. — Photographs  of  a tattooed  man  of  the  Marquesas. 

The  patterns  on  half  the  body  of  Eotafa  of  Ta’a  Oa,  Hiva  Oa — the  most  fully 
tattooed  man  seen  in  the  Marquesas  by  the  author — the  motives  being  brought  out 
by  painting  them  with  black  paint.  Identical  patterns  on  the  unpainted  half  of  the 
man’s  body  do  not  appear  in  the  photograph. 

Plate  II. — Photographs  of  a tattooed  woman  of  the  Marquesas. 

Typical  modern  patterns  for  women,  on  the  body  of  Tuuakena  at  Atu  Ona, 
Hiva  Oa  : A.  Front  and  side  view  of  face,  showing  lip  and  ear  patterns.  B-E.  Front 
and  rear  views  of  legs  showing  patterns  on  the  painted  portions. 

Plate  III. — Face  patterns  for  men. 

Examples  of  the  Hiva  Oa  style  of  three  horizontal  face  bands,  ti’a  ti’a  pit:  i.  An 

unfinished  example  from  Pua  Ma’u,  Hiva  Oa. — 2.  From  Haka  Hetau,  Ua  Pou,  show- 
ing eiiata  motive  (a). — ,3.  From  Haka  Hetau,  Ua  Pou,  showing  a half  band  on  the 
forehead. — 4.  From  Hokatu,  Ua  Huka,  showing  the  motives  tiki  ac  (a),  kikomata  (b) , 
tiki  pu  (c),  and  parilio  (inset  in  c). — 5.  From  Pua  Ma’u,  Hiva  Oa,  showing  a band 
over  one  eye,  niata  (a),  and  a mouth  band,  nutu  kaha  (b). — 6.  From  Vai  Paee,  Ua 
Huka,  showing  the  motives  valtana  ae  (a),  mata  (b),  nihonilio  peata  (c  left),  name 
unknown  (c,  right),  detail  of  c right  (e),  and  the  kikutu  (d). — 7.  from  Vai  Paee, 
Ua  Huka. — 8.  From  Hane,  Ua  Huka. 

Plate  IV. — Face  patterns  for  men. 

Examples  of  the  Hiva  Oa  style  of  three  horizontal  face  bands,  ti’ati’a  pu: 
I.  From  Omoa,  Fatu  Hiva. — 2.  From  Hanavava,  Fatu  Hiva,  showing  on  inter-band 
the  nihonilio  peata  motive. — 3.  From  Hatiheu,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by 
E.  S.  Handy). — 4.  From  A’akapa,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). — 
5.  From  Hana  Vave,  Fatu  Hiva,  showing  detail  of  a chainlike  design  (a). — 6.  From 
Hana  Vave,  Fatu  Hiva,  the  three  bands  here  called  as  a whole  ton  pae. — 7.  From  Haka 
Hetau,  Ua  Pou,  showing  mata  (a),  veo  (b),  kiki  pu  (c),  cnata  {d),  detail  of  b (e), 
detail  of  d (f). — 8.  From  Hooumi,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). — 
9.  From  Haapa,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). — 10  and  ii.  From 
Haka  Hau,  Ua  Pou. 

Plate  V. — Face  and  head  p,\tterns  for  men. 

Examples  of  various  styles  of  different  periods;  i.  From  Hana  lapa,  Hiva  Oa, 
showing  an  unusually  shaped  eye  band  and  an  unfinished  mouth  band. — 2.  From 
Atu  Ona,  Hiva  Oa,  showing  shoulder  and  chest  patterns  mounting  the  neck  to  join 
the  face  bands. — 3.  From  Haka  Hau,  Ua  Pou ; an  unfinished  pattern,  showing  the 
probable  sequence  of  execution — one  eye  being  allowed  to  Leal  while  half  of  the 
mouth  was  done,  and  so  011.-4  From  Ha’a  Kuti,  Ua  Pou  (after  a sketch  by 
E.  S.  Handy). — 5.  From  Tai  o Hae,  Nuku  Hiva,  one  of  two  extant  examples  show- 
ing the  Nuku  Hiva  style  of  an  oblique  band  (pa  heke)  crossing  the  face. — 6.  A former 
Hiva  Oa  pattern  (after  a description  by  an  Atuona  informant). — 7.  An  old  pattern 
for  warriors  of  all  the  islands  (after  a description  by  an  informant  of  Fatu  Hiva. — 
8.  A variant  of  the  ti’ati’a  pu,  with  nostrils  covered,  belonging  to  Fatu  Hiva  and 
called  ihu  epo  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). — 9.  A pattern  formerly  used  on  the 
crown  of  the  head  (after  a painting  on  a sculptured  figure  which  once  served  as  a 
house  post  in  Ta’a  Oa,  Hiva  Oa,  and  is  now  in  possession  of  M.  Chadourne  of 
Papeete,  Tahiti. — 10.  The  hue  epo  pattern,  an  example  of  a former  style  of  the  people 
of  Tai  o Hae,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a description  by  a Nuku  Hiva  informant). — ii.  An 
old  Nuku  Hiva  pattern  (after  a description  by  an  informant  of  Fatu  Hiva). 


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Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


Plate  VI. — Head  and  shoulder  patterns  for  women. 

A.  Typical  face  patterns  for  women ; lip  marks,  koniho,  and  an  ear  pattern, 
omua  puaina. 

B.  A band  across  the  arm  just  below  the  fall  of  the  shoulder,  on  a woman  of 
Tai-pi  Vai,  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). 

C.  Ear  patterns : i.  On  a woman  of  Hakaui,  Nuku  Hiva. — 2.  Of  Atu  Ona,  Hiva 

Oa,  showing  the  omuo  puaina  design  around  the  lobe  and  the  kea  design  at 
the  back  of  the  ear. — 3.  Of  Tai-pi  Vai,  showing  the  puainga  design  (after  a 
sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). — 4.  Of  Pua  Ma’u,  Hiva  Oa,  showing  around  the 
lobe  the  aniatiu  (anihaupeka,  Dordillon)  motive  and  back  of  the  ear  the 
po’opito  ua  puaina. — 5.  Of  Hiva  Oa. — 6.  A woman’s  pattern  on  a man  of  Pua 
Ma’u,  Hiva  Oa — a rare  occurrence. 

Plate  VII. — Hand  patterns.  Motives  from  Fatu  Hiva  and  Tahu  Ata. 

A.  On  a woman  of  Fatu  Hiva ; i.  The  back  of  the  hand. — 2.  The  palm,  show- 
ing the  pariho  motive  on  the  underwrist  around  the  palm,  the  mata  (a),  the 
tamau  (b),  and  the  pariho  (c). 

B.  On  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata:  i.  The  back,  showing  the  poka’a  motive  at  the 
base  of  the  middle  finger,  the  pihau  (tumu  ima,  Langsdorff)  (a)  and  the 
mata  (b). — 2.  The  underwrist 

Plate  VIII. — Hand  patterns.  Motives  from  Nuku  Hiva  and  Hiva  Oa. 

A.  On  a man  of  Nuku  Hiva. 

B.  On  a woman  of  Hiva  Oa,  showing  the  taina  vau  motive  between  the  thumb 
and  index  finger,  e tua  poou  (a),  ti’i  kao  (b) , and  the  paa  niho  (c)  around 
the  palm. 

Plate  IX. — Hand  patterns.  Motives  from  Fatu  Hiva  and  Tahu  Ata. 

A.  An  old  pattern  of  Fatu  Hiva  called  kohi’u  (after  a drawing  made  by  an  old 
tuhana  of  Fatu  Hiva),  showing  finger  motives,  mata  va’u;  finger  and  upper 
hand  units  inclusive,  nutu  kaha;  po’i’i  (a);  kea  po’i’i  (b) ; hei  po’i’i  (c)  ,"\ 
and  hei  ta'avaha  (d)  around  the  palm. 

B.  On  the  left  hand  of  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata  (for  the  design  on  her  right 
hand  see  Plate  X,  A),  showing  the  poka’a  motive  at  the  base  of  the  fingers; 
the  po’i’i  (a),  Pohu  (b),  and  the  eia  va’u  (c). 

C.  On  a woman  of  Hiva  Oa,  done  by  a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva:  i.  The  back  of 

the  hand  showing  the  central  oval,  the  po’i’i  motive ; the  poka’a  at  the  base 

of  the  fingers  and  the  thumb;  matua  hee  moa  (a),  ama  opea  between  the 
thumb  and  index  finger;  and  the  fanaua  (b,  c.). — 2.  The  palm  showing  the 
fanaua  motive  around  the  palm,  the  po’i’i  (a),  and  the  piaotiu  (b). 

Plate  X. — Hand  patterns.  Motives  from  Tahu  Ata. 

A.  On  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata:  i.  The  back  of  the  hand,  showing  the  ka’ava 

motive  at  the  base  of  the  middle  finger  to  the  wrist,  kou’u  (a),  poka’a  (b), 

mohovaha  (c),  and  the  mata  (d). — 2.  The  underwrist,  koua’ehi  fa). 

B.  On  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata.  (The  tattooing  was  done  by  the  same  tuhuna 
whose  work  is  shown  in  Plates  X,  A and  IX,  B.)  i.  The  back,  showing  the 
motives  papua  (a),  e tua  poou  (b),  paka  (c),  ka’ava  (center),  fanaua  (e),  Pohu 
(f),  and  ka’ake  fg). — 2 Underwrist,  showing  the  motives  paa  niho  around  the 
palm;  papua  au  ti  (b),  and  the  vai  0 Kena  (c). 

Plate  XI. — Hand  patterns.  Variant  motives. 

A.  Principal  units  on  the  hand  of  a woman  of  Nuku  Hiva,  showing  the  motives 
mata  putona  (a),  kea  (b),  and  the  mata  io  (c).  (After  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy.) 

B.  A representation  of  a bird  on  the  underwrist  of  a woman  of  Nuku  Hiva. 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


29 


C.  Pattern  on  two  men  of  Ua  Pou. 

D.  On  a man  of  Hiva  Oa,  tattooing  done  by  a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva  (after  a 
sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy). 

B.  On  the  underwrist  of  a woman  of  Hiva  Oa,  an  unusual  kea  motive. 

Plate  XII. — Arm  and  breast  patterns  for  men.  Evolutionary  types. 

A.  An  old  style  of  Fatu  Hiva  (after  a drawing  by  a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva)  show- 
ing breast  stripes,  ti’i  heke. 

B.  An  old  style  of  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy  from  the  description 
of  an  artist  of  Fatu  Hiva). 

C.  Detailed  drawing  of  A,  showing  the  motives  kea  (a),  the  etua  pooi  (b),  the 
poka’a  or  pahito  (c),  fa’amana  (d),  ipu  ao  (e),  and  the  vi’i  po’i'i  (d  and  e). 

D.  The  present  style:  under-arm,  ipu  oto;  shoulder  disk,  puha  puaka;  chest, 
ka  mo’ehu. 

E.  Detailed  drawings  of  B showing  the  motives  nihoniho  (a),  po’i’i  (b,  c). 

Plate  XIII. — Arm  patterns  for  men.  Typical  modern  motives,  ipu  oto. 

A.  On  a man  of  Ua  Huka. 

B.  On  three  men  of  Ua  Pou  showing  a variant  of  the  armpit  motive,  the  poka’a  (a), 
and  the  enata  (b).  Three  pairs  of  squarish  ovals,  similar  to  those  in  A com- 
plete this  arm  pattern. 

C.  On  a man  of  Fatu  Hiva  showing  the  motives  puaina  (a);  ti’i  o’oka  (b) ; 
the  three  pairs  of  ovals,  ipu  oto;  the  arm-pit  unit,  ipu  ao;  poka’a  (c) ; and 
enata  (d). 

Plate  XIV. — Body  patterns  for  men.  Old  and  new  types. 

A.  An  unfinished  example  from  Nuku  Hiva,  typical  of  all  islands  at  the  present 
time,  showing  the  arm-pit  design,  ipu  katu  and  chest,  teeva. 

B.  An  old  style  in  back  and  side  patterns  from  Fatu  Hiva  (after  a drawing  by 
a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva)  showing  back  patches,  pahito;  ipu  oto  (a);  pahito 
(b);  niata  (c);  mata  (d) ; kohe  tua  (e),  a.  girdle  and  leg  stripe. 

C.  An  unfinished  back  pattern,  peka  tua,  from  Nuku  Hiva  but  common  to  all 
the  Marquesas  islands.  On  Ua  Pou  this  pattern  is  called  moho. 

Plate  XV. — A back  pattern  for  women. 

A girdle  on  a chiefess  of  Nuku  Hiva,  showing  the  motives  ka’ake  (a),  mata  (b), 
and  fanaua  (c). 

Plate  XVI. — Leg  motives  for  women. 

Motives  formerly  used  in  Fatu  Hiva:  koniho  (a),  mata  hoata  (b),  vai  ta  keetu 
(c),  pana’o  (d),  ikeike  (e),  hei  po’i’i  (f),  akaaka  fa’a  (g),  fa’a  mana  (h)  worn  on  the 
inner  ankle,  mata  omo’e  (i)  worn  on  the  inside  of  the  knee,  like  the  present  pahito, 
puha  tahi  (j)  worn  below  the  knee  on  the  inside  of  the  leg,  eia  va’u  (k)  worn  on  the 
inside  of  the  calf,  tiutu  kaha  (1),  tava  (m)  worn  on  the  inside  of  the  leg  above  the 
ankle  (after  drawings  by  a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva). 

Plate  XVII. — A leg  p.attern  for  women. 

The  only  surviving  example,  so  far  as  known,  of  an  old  style  of  Nuku  Hiva. 

A.  Front  and  side  views  of  the  left  leg. 

B.  Back  and  side  views  of  the  right  leg. 

Plate  XVIII. — A leg  pattern  for  women. 

Detail  of  the  motives  shown  in  Plate  XVII,  A. 


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Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


Plate  XIX. — Detailed  studies  of  a leg  pattern  for  women. 

A.  Of  motives  in  Plate  XVII,  B. 

B.  Back  thigh  units  of  both  legs  of  patterns  in  Plate  XVII. 

C.  Ankle  motives  of  the  right  leg  of  pattern  in  Plate  XVII,  the  rest  of  the  ankle 
and  foot  pattern  being  identical  with  those  of  the  left. 

Plate  XX. — A leg  pattern  for  women. 

Detail  of  the  right  leg  motives  of  an  old  style  of  Ua  Pou,  the  only  surviving 

example  to  be  found  today. 

A.  Front:  paka  (a),  mata  io  (b),  makamaka  (c),  vai  me’ama  (d),  honu  (e). 

B.  Back:  po’i'i  (a),  ka’ake  (b),  kaka’a  (c),  mata  io  (d),  vai  me’ama  (e),  pakiei  (f), 
pu  (gJ- 

Plate  XXL — A leg  pattern  for  women. 

Detail  of  the  left  leg  motives  of  the  preceding  example : 

A.  Front,  knee  to  ankle:  mata  (a),  ka’ake  (b),  pakiei  (c),  vai  me’ama  (d). 

B.  Back,  knee  to  ankle:  ka’ake  (a),  mata  io  (b),  vai  me’ama  (c). 

C.  General  view  of  the  left  leg. 

D.  Ankle  band. 

E.  General  view  of  the  right  leg,  of  which  detail  is  shown  in  Plate  XX. 

Plate  XXII. — A leg  pattern  for  women.  The  modern  type. 

Typical  motives  indicating  the  color  of  the  tattooing  as  it  appears  on  the  skin. 

A.  Back  pattern:  vai  pahu  (a,  left),  ka’ake  (a,  center),  mata  hoata  (b),  ka’ake  (c), 
mata  hoata  (d),  ipu  ani  (e),  vai  o Kena  (f),  mata  hoata  (g),  ka’ake  (h)  and  (}), 
Pohu  (i),  ipu  ani  (k,  center),  ka’ake  (k,  left  and  right). 

B.  Front  pattern:  mata  hoata  (a),  po’okohe  (b,  left  and  right),  kea  (b,  center), 
ka’ake  (c,  left  and  right),  pahito  (d,  left  and  right),  ipu  ani  (d,  center), 
mata  mei  nei  (e),  ka’ake  (f,  left  and  right),  vai  o Kena,  sometimes  called 
potia  hue  or  peke  ou  mei  (f,  center),  Pohu  (g,  center),  mata  hoata  (h), 
pahito  (i  and  j,  left  and  right),  ka’ake  (i  and  j,  center),  ipu  ani  (k),  mata 
hoata  (1),  etua  poou,  sometimes  Pohu  (m). 

Plate  XXIII. — A leg  pattern  for  women.  A variant  arrangement  on 
A woman  of  Pua  Ma'u,  Hiva  Oa. 

A.  Front  pattern:  ka’ake  (a,  left  and  right),  mata  hoata  (a,  center),  aniatiu  (b, 
left  and  right),  ka’ake  (b,  center),  kopiko  (d,  left  and  right),  po’i’i  (d,  center), 
ka’ake  (e,  left  and  right),  mata  hoata  (f,  center),  ka’ake  (g),  etua  poou  (h), 
mata  hoata  (i),  pahito  (j,  left  and  right),  pahito  (k,  left  and  right),  ka’ake  (j 
and  k,  center),  po’i’i  (1),  mata  hoata  (m). 

B.  Back  pattern:  mata  hoata  (a),  ka’ake  (b),  mata  hoata  (c),  po’i’i  (d),  ka’ake 
(e),  mata  hoata  (f),  ka’ake  (g),  paa  niho  (h,  around  the  foot). 

Plate  XXIV. — Leg  motives  for  women. 

A and  C.  Detail  of  upper  thigh  motives  omitted  from  the  leg  but  burned  instead 
upon  bamboo. 

B.  A general  view  showing  how  the  motives  in  Plate  XXIII  are  arranged  on 
the  leg. 

Plate  XXV. — A leg  pattern  for  women. 

Front  and  rear  views  of  an  elaborate  leg  pattern  from  Pau  Ma’u,  showing  a com- 
bination of  the  fine  motives  and  heavy  patches  usually  worn  by  men. 

Plate  XXVI. — A leg  pattern  for  women. 

A.  Detailed  study  of  the  motives  in  the  front  pattern  of  Plate  XXV : nutu  kaha 
(a-c  inclusive),  kea  (a,  center),  ka’ake  (b),  kea  (c,  center),  pahito  (d,  left 


Handy — Tattooing  in  the  Marquesas 


31 


and  right),  po’i’i  (d,  center),  mata  hoata  (e),  tu’u  po’o,  sometimes  vai  0 Kena 
on  Fatu  Hiva  (f),  vai  0 Kena  (g,  center),  ka’ake  (g,  left  and  right),  mata  hoata 
(h),  pahito  (i  and  j,  left  and  right),  ka’ake  and  peke  ou  mei  (i  and  j,  center), 
po’i’i  (k),  mata  hoata  (1),  tu’u  po’o  (m). 

B.  Back  pattern:  oniho  (a),  paka  (b),  pahito  (c),  papua  (d),  pahito  (e),  mata 
hoata  (f),  po’i’i  (g),  iti’iti’i  (h),  mata  hoata  (i),  ka’ake  (j  and  1) , peke  ou  mei 
(k),  ka’ake  (m,  left  and  right),  po’i’i  (m,  center). 

Plate  XXVII. — Leg  motives  for  women.  Variants. 

A,  B,  and  C.  Nutu  kaha,  variations  of  the  thigh  pattern. 

D.  A band  encircling  the  ankle  of  a woman  of  Nuku  Hiva. 

E.  A band  encircling  the  ankle  of  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata. 

F.  Oniho,  a band  outlining  the  sole  of  the  foot  of  a woman  of  Ua  Huka. 

Plate  XXVIII. — Leg  motives  for  women.  Other  variations. 

A.  An  elaborate  po’i’i  on  the  knee  of  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata. 

B.  A front  shin  pattern  of  unusual  arrangement  and  combination. 

[Note  the  use  of  the  vai  0 Kena  on  its  side  (a,  center),  and  the  combination  of 
mata  and  vai  0 Kena  (b).) 

C.  A variant  of  the  aniatiu  of  Plate  XXIII,  A:  left  and  right  (b  and  c). 

D.  Crude  representations  of  the  pa’a’oa  (fish)  found  on  the  knees  of  a woman  of 
Tahu  Ata. 

E.  An  upper  thigh  motive,  puhi,  on  a woman  of  Tahu  Ata. 

F.  An  unusual  extension  of  the  ka’ake  (a),  a variant  of  Plate  XXIII,  A,  h,  found 
on  a woman  of  Ua  Huna ; a binding  motive  (b)  from  Ua  Huka,  a variant  of 
the  iti’iti’i  of  Plate  XXVI,  B,  h. 

Plate  XXIX. — Leg  motives  for  men. 

Motives  formerly  used  in  Nuku  Hiva : the  kohe  ta,  or  sword  motive,  consisting 
of  a girdle  across  the  back  and  a stripe  down  the  side  of  the  leg  (a,  b),  hiktihiku  atu  (b), 
pua  hitu  (c),  pahito  (d),  huetai  (e),  po’i’i  (f),  mata  hoata  (g),  and  the  ka’ake  (h). 
(After  drawings  by  an  artist  of  Fatu  Hiva). 

Plate  XXX. — Leg  motives  for  men. 

Motives  formerly  used  in  Fatu  Hiva  (after  drawings  by  a tuhuna  of  Fatu  Hiva)  : 
aa  fanaua,  worn  on  tbe  upper  front  thigh  (a);  mata  hoata  (b) ; pahito  (c),  vai  0 Kena 
(b  and  c),  worn  on  the  back  of  the  leg  below  the  bend  of  the  knee;  papua  enata  (d), 
worn  on  the  inside  calf  just  above  the  ankle;  mata  hoata  (e),  worn  on  the  upper  thigh 
alongside  the  aa  fanaua;  ti’i  hoehoe  (f),  worn  on  the  bend  of  the  knee;  paka’ a (g), 
worn  on  the  back  of  the  calf;  nihoniho  (h),  worn  on  the  inside  calf;  ka’ake  (i),  pua 
hue  and  ikeike  (j);  pia’o  tiu  (k),  worn  around  the  ankle;  ti’i  kakao  (1),  worn  on  the 
foot. 

Plate  XXXI. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

The  Nuku  Hiva  style  of  leg  pattern,  done  by  a tuhuna  of  Nuku  Hiva  and  found 
on  only  one  man : ornamental  band  on  the  thigh,  puhi  puha;  the  heavy  patches,  pai- 
pai  to. 

Plate  XXXII. — Leg  p.atterns  for  men. 

The  Hiva  Oa  style,  in  vogue  on  all  the  islands  at  the  time  of  the  discontinuance 
of  the  art: 

A.  Side  view  of  a leg  with  motives  from  Ua  Huka.  The  buttock  and  inside  front 
quarter  of  the  leg  pattern  are  lacking,  as  is  usual  in  modern  examples. 

B.  Front  and  side  views  of  a leg  with  motives  from  Fatu  Hiva,  the  inside  front 
quarter  of  the  leg  pattern,  below  the  knee,  being  present. 


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Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum — Bulletin 


C.  Back  view  of  a leg  with  motives  from  Ua  Pou,  the  buttock  pattern  being 
present. 

Plate  XXXIII. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

Detailed  study  of  Plate  XXXII,  A:  kohe  ta  (a,  b,  and  c),  kea  (b),  mata  io  (c), 
puto’o  (d),  kautupa  (e),  fatiua  (f),  pahito  with  po’i’i  inset  (g),  hikuhiku  atu  (h),  pahito 
(i  and  j),  auhoi  (k),  tapu  vae  (k  and  1). 

Plate  XXXIV. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

Detailed  study  of  motives  on  Plate  XXXII,  B;  kohe  ta  (a  and  b) ; puto’o  (c); 
pahito  with  mata  hoata,  ka’ake,  and  tiki  insets  (d);  mata  vaho,  the  half  oval;  pua  hue 
(e);  fatina  (f) ; pahito  with  po’i’i  and  ka’ake  insets  (g);  paka  oto  (h,  i,  j);  hikuhiku 
atu  (k);  pahito,  with  mata  and  ka’ake  insets  (1),  tapu  vae  (m). 

Plate  XXXV. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

A detailed  study  of  the  motives  of  Plate  XXXII,  C:  kohe  ta  (a  and  b) ; tifa  (c), 
containing  a mata  hoata,  enata,  and  a kea  in  the  center  at  the  bottom;  puto’o  (d); 
pahito  (e) ; fatina  with  elaborate  double  rows  of  cross-barred  teeth  inset  (f);  pahito 
(g) i paka  (h),  in  place  of  the  usual  hikuhiku  atu;  pahito  (i) ; tapu  vae  (j);  auhoi  (k). 

Plate  XXXVI. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

An  elaborated  pattern  of  the  Hiva  Oa  style  found  at  Ua  Huka:  kohe  tine  (a-c), 
complicated  by  two  meta  io  (b  and  c),  puto’o,  lightened  by  a mata  io  inset  (d),  pahito 
broken  by  a ka’ake  and  a po’i’i  inset  (f). 

Plate  XXXVII. — A leg  pattern  for  men. 

A more  complicated  pattern  from  Hiva  Oa,  rendered  almost  as  lacelike  as  those 
for  women  by  the  numerous  fine-line  insets  in  the  heavy  patches:  puto’o  (a,  b,  c,)  with 
insets  of  cross-barred  teeth,  double  rows  of  tiki,  and  a vai  o Kena;  pahito  with  mata 
hoata,  ka’ake,  and  po’i’i  insets  (d);  fatina  with  mata  inset  (e);  pahito  with  po’i’i  and 
ka’ake  insets  (f);  hikuhiku  atu  (g)  with  flourishes  at  the  points;  pahito  (h),  whose 
simple  lines  are  almost  lost  in  the  elaborate  insets  of  vai  o Kena  and  mata. 

Plate  XXXVIII. — Leg  motives  for  men. 

A.  Kohe  ta  from  Fatu  Hiva. 

B.  A thigh  pattern  from  Nuku  Hiva  (after  a sketch  by  E.  S.  Handy)  : mata  (a), 
hue  ao  (b). 

C.  Two  bands  for  the  foot : pia’otiu  and  kakao. 

D.  An  inside  knee  motive,  mata  vaho,  from  Fatu  Hiva. 

E.  and  F.  Ankle  bone  decorations,  auhoi. 

G.  An  ankle  band  from  Fatu  Hiva:  Tapu  vae  (a);  hikuhiku  atu  (b) ; pahito  with 
ka’ake,  mata  io,  and  tiki  insets  (c). 

H.  An  elaborated  pahito  from  Fatu  Hiva  with  ka’ake,  enata,  and  mata  io  insets. 


Hernice  I’.  Hishop  Museum 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  I 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  III 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  IV 


TATTOO  DKSIONS  IN  T 1 1 1')  MAUQUKSAS 


1!i:bsick  1’.  Misiioi-  Muskum 


> 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  VI 


A 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  TllE  MARQUESAS 


I 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  VII 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  VIII 


TATTOO  DKSIGNS  IN  TllK  MARQUKSAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  IX 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  X 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Hehnice  P.  liisiioi"  Museum 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  Tlllj  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  P.isuop  Museum 


TATTOO  nKSIGNS  IN  TllK  MAUQURSAS 


liKRNicE  P.  I!. SHOP  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  XIII 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  TllE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


liEKNiCK  P.  Hisnop  Museu 


tattoo  designs  in  The  MARQUESAS 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XVI 


li.UUI.ETIN  I,  PUATE  XVII 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


ISernmce  P.  Bisiior  Museum 


liuLLETiN  I,  Plate  X\1I1 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  TIIE  MAUQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XIX 


B 


C 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  X> 


TATTOO  DKSIGNS  IX  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Mtseum 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXII 


TATTOO  DKSIGNS  IN  TllK  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXIIl 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXIV 


TATTOO  OKSIONS  IN  Tlllv  MAUOUKSAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXV 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXVI 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


I a'4 


liKRNicR  P.  Pisiior  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXVIl 


I 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XX 


Hkrnice  P.  PiSHOP  Museum 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Hkrnice  P.  I!isiioi>  Museum 


Hernice  1’.  Bishop  Museum  Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXXI 


0 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum  Buleetin  i,  Peate  XXXII 


TATTOO  DKSICNS  IN  TIIE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXXIII 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXIV 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXXV 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXXVI 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IX  THE  MARQUESAS 


Bernice  P.  Bishop  Museum 


Bulletin  i,  Plate  XXXVII 


TATTOO  DESIGNS  IN  THE  MARQUESAS 


r.i'RNiCE  P.  Bishop  JIuseum 


TATTOO  nKSTONS  IN  Tlllv  MAUQUKSAS 


